40,532 research outputs found

    Living with Nkrumahism: Nation, state, and pan-Africanism in Ghana

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    This dissertation explores the construction of the pan-Africanist and socialist discourse of Kwame Nkrumah‚Äôs government‚ÄĒGhana‚Äôs first independent government‚ÄĒduring the nation-building project of the 1950s and 1960s. In 1957, when Ghana became independent, the country‚Äôs transition to self-rule emerged as a watershed moment in African and world history as this small West African country challenged an international community rooted in the political and institutional framework of the territorial nation-state with a radical program of pan-African liberation and global socialist development. By 1958, the Nkrumah government‚Äôs commitment to this radical program had resulted in supra-territorial federations with Guinea-Conakry and later Mali, while, at home, Nkrumah and his Convention People‚Äôs Party (CPP) presented the nascent nation as a model for a new form of modern, disciplined, and continental citizenship. Based on eighteen months of oral and archival research in Ghana, this dissertation reconstructs the development and performance of Nkrumah‚Äôs program of pan-African liberation and socialist development in the Ghanaian public sphere. In doing so, it interrogates the role of pan-Africanism and global socialism in shaping a vision of a growing modern, disciplined, and socialist citizenry within the Nkrumahist state. Moreover, through an examination of the press, youth, women‚Äôs, and workers‚Äô organizations, this dissertation traces how key groups of both ‚Äúelite‚ÄĚ and ‚Äúordinary‚ÄĚ Ghanaians embedded aspects of Nkrumahist ideology into existing idioms of power, corruption, and progress in their communities as they sought to negotiate the increasingly volatile realities associated with life in postcolonial Africa. As a result, I argue that, through the institutional framework of Nkrumah-era pan-Africanist and socialist politics, an interactive debate developed within Nkrumah‚Äôs Ghana whereby an eclectic array of Ghanaian men and women came together to debate and contest their changing places, roles, and responsibilities in the postcolonial nation. Such an analysis, I contend, provides a framework for understanding decolonization and nation-building in Africa not as the elite program of political re-organization that most scholars have portrayed it as, but as part of a dynamic set of local and transnational imaginings and contestations aimed at addressing the challenges and inequities associated with Africa‚Äôs transition to self-rule.U of I Only2 year U of I Access extension requested by author and approved by Emily Wuchner. Embargo applied by [email protected] 2019-05-16

    Multilevel governance and control of the Covid-19 pandemic in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Learning from the four first waves

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    The COVID-19 pandemic continues to impose a heavy burden on people around the world. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has also been affected. The objective of this study was to explore national policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in the DRC and drivers of the response, and to generate lessons for strengthening health systems’ resilience and public health capacity to respond to health security threats. This was a case study with data collected through a literature review and in-depth interviews with key informants. Data analysis was carried out manually using thematic content analysis translated into a logical and descriptive summary of the results. The management of the response to the COVID-19 pandemic reflected multilevel governance. It implied a centralized command and a decentralized implementation. The centralized command at the national level mostly involved state actors organized into ad hoc structures. The decentralized implementation involved state actors at the provincial and peripheral level including two other ad hoc structures. Non-state actors were involved at both levels

    Strange bedfellows ngos and businesses move from conflict to cooperation

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    The struggle of NGOs to promote sustainable behavior from companies has successfully gained public sympathy, and has triggered a rising number of international voluntary agreements, public policy initiatives, and even state regulations. Some companies have worked their way out of stigmatization and tried to become responsible corporate citizens. While plenty of other companies are still trying to evade the CSR debate and the reporting standards therein, others have adjusted their structures to adopt them. Although this tends to raise costs on a short-term basis, most of the CSRfriendly companies have managed to economically outperform the deniers in the long run. Compliers have proven that they are able to adapt more swiftly to new market challenges, or state regulations. In addition, consumer patterns seem to reward CSR behavior. Within a decade business-NGO cooperation has become a mainstream issue, and has led to many synergetic dynamics and yielded creative solutions.Los esfuerzos de las ONG para promover entre las empresas comportamientos sostenibles han logrado ganar el apoyo del p√ļblico y han llegado a producir un creciente n√ļmero de acuerdos internacionales voluntarios, iniciativas de pol√≠ticas p√ļblicas e incluso regulaci√≥n estatal. Algunas compa√Ī√≠as han trabajado para superar la estigmatizaci√≥n intentando convertirse en ciudadanos corporativos responsables. Mientras que muchas otras compa√Ī√≠as a√ļn est√°n tratando de evadir el debate acerca de la RSC y sus est√°ndares de reporte, otras han ajustado sus estructuras para adoptarlos. Aunque esto tiende a aumentar los costos a corto plazo, la mayor√≠a de las compa√Ī√≠as que aceptan la RSC han logrado tener un mejor desempe√Īo econ√≥mico que las que se niegan a largo plazo. Las que cumplen han demostrado que son capaces de adaptarse m√°s r√°pidamente a nuevos desaf√≠os del mercado o a la reglamentaci√≥n estatal. Adem√°s, los patrones de consumo parecen remunerar este comportamiento. En el espacio de una d√©cada, la cooperaci√≥n entre industrias y ONG se ha convertido en un tema corriente, ha llevado a din√°micas de sinergia y ha rendido soluciones creativas

    Mobile Arts for Peace: Small Grants Evaluation Report

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    The Mobile Arts for Peace (MAP) project is an international study that seeks to provide a comparative approach to peace-building utilising interdisciplinary arts-based practices, working with communities in Indonesia, Kyrgyzstan, Nepal and Rwanda (see figure 1.1). This research was commissioned by the project lead organisation, the University of Lincoln, and has been delivered by the University of Northampton’s Institute for Social Innovation and Impact (see Appendix A for research biographies). This report focuses on the Small Grants awarded across the four countries, and acts as a follow-up to the Phase One Report that was produced in the winter of 2021. The delivery of the Small Grants projects has taken place over the last 12 months across the above four countries, and this report seeks to demonstrate, through a narrative case-study approach, how the Small Grants work delivered has promoted arts-based peacebuilding and supported community cohesion. The research reported in this document took place between February and October 2022 and focused on the below research aim and four key research questions. Aim: To evaluate the efficacy of the MAP Small Grants projects and understand their impact in communities. Specifically: 1. What outputs were delivered through the Small Grants projects? 2. What outcomes for beneficiaries/stakeholders were delivered through the Small Grants projects? 3. What impacts delivered for communities and societies across the four countries were delivered through the Small Grants projects? The report is structured as follows: first, the methodological approach undertaken in the evaluation will be presented; second, the case-studies across the four countries will be presented and discussed, utilising data gathered by the in-country research teams and the arts-based outputs produced; third, the findings will be summarised, with specific recommendations also made for the implications related to the MAP Large Grant evaluation projects and the recently awarded MAP Medium Grant projects. References and Appendices can also be found at the end of the report

    Assuming the "Outermostness": the role of the CPMR in the strategy of representation of the government of the Azores in the European Union

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    Disserta√ß√£o de mestrado em Ci√™ncia Pol√≠ticaO Governo Regional dos A√ßores (GRAA) √© um exemplo de uma entidade regional que assumiu um papel pr√≥-ativo na utiliza√ß√£o dos canais de influ√™ncia dispon√≠veis atrav√©s da mobiliza√ß√£o de estrat√©gias intra- e extra-estatais no seio da Uni√£o Europeia (EU) (Antunes e Magone, 2020). A estrat√©gia de representa√ß√£o do GRAA serve-se de todos os canais dispon√≠veis, incluindo as redes europeias transacionais (RET), de entre as quais se destaca a Confer√™ncia das Regi√Ķes Perif√©ricas e Mar√≠timas (CRPM). O GRAA presidiu, durante o XI e XII Governos, tr√™s vezes a esta associa√ß√£o, na pessoa do presidente do GRAA Vasco Cordeiro. Partindo desta constata√ß√£o, o objetivo desta investiga√ß√£o √© a de entender para que finalidade de mobiliza√ß√£o √© que a CRPM √© utilizada pelo GRAA. Assim, ao aplicar o quadro conceptual definido por Callanan e Tatham (2014) ‚Äď que estabelece a distin√ß√£o entre a mobiliza√ß√£o financeira e a mobiliza√ß√£o regulat√≥ria ‚Äď e mediante a an√°lise dos dados qualitativos obtidos atrav√©s da realiza√ß√£o de oito entrevistas semiestruturadas a personalidades pol√≠ticas do GRAA e da CRPM, foi-nos poss√≠vel confirmar a hip√≥tese de trabalho de que o GRAA utiliza a CRPM sobretudo para efeitos de mobiliza√ß√£o regulat√≥ria e residualmente para efeitos de mobiliza√ß√£o financeira. Por outras palavras, ao classificar de 0 a 5, sendo 0 ‚Äėnada importante‚Äô e 5 ‚Äėmuito importante‚Äô, verific√°mos que o n√≠vel de import√Ęncia atribu√≠do √† utiliza√ß√£o da CRPM para efeitos de mobiliza√ß√£o financeira √© de 3,3, e o n√≠vel de import√Ęncia atribu√≠do √† utiliza√ß√£o da CRPM para efeitos de mobiliza√ß√£o regulat√≥ria √© de 4,9. Ao n√≠vel da mobiliza√ß√£o financeira, a atua√ß√£o da CRPM, em conson√Ęncia com o GRAA, est√° relacionada com a forma√ß√£o de cons√≥rcios, que podem ser um fim em si mesmo ou uma oportunidade para provar certos pontos pol√≠ticos. Ao n√≠vel da mobiliza√ß√£o regulat√≥ria, a quest√£o essencial para o GRAA √© a manuten√ß√£o de uma pol√≠tica de coes√£o forte, mas tamb√©m s√£o sondadas oportunidades espor√°dicas em v√°rias √°reas pol√≠ticas que possam resultar em enquadramentos mais vantajosos para o GRAA.The Government of the Autonomous Regions of the Azores (GARA) is an example of an entity that assumed a proactive roll utilizing the available influencing channels available through the mobilization of intra and extra-state strategies in the European Union (EU) (Antunes and Magone, 2021). The strategy of representation of the GARA uses all the available channels, including the transnational European networks (TEN), among which the Conference of the Peripheral Maritime Regions (CPMR) stands out. The President of the GARA, Vasco Cordeiro, presided in the XI and XII Governments three times the association. Based on this observation, the objective of this investigation is to understand which mobilization purpose GARA tries to accomplish through the CPMR. To this end, the conceptual framework of Callanan and Tatham (2014) was used. This conceptual framework distinguishes between two types of rationales: financial mobilization, motivated by the availability of financial transfers; and regulatory mobilization, motivated by the desire to influence EU policies. To gather the necessary information to test the working hypothesis ‚Äď that GRAA uses the CRPM mainly for regulatory mobilization purposes and residually for financial mobilization purposes ‚Äď we undertook eight semi-structured interviews to personalities of the XI and XII GARA and from CRPM. This working hypothesis was confirmed. Hence, scaling from 0 to 5, being 0 not important at all and 5 very important, the level of importance attributed to the use of CRPM for financial mobilization is set in 3.3, whereas the level of importance attributed to the use of CRPM for regulatory mobilization is set in 4.9, thus highly important. Furthermore, in respect to financial mobilization, the performance of GARA via CPMR is related to the formation of consortia, which can be an end in itself or a way to prove certain political points to the EU. When it comes to regulatory mobilization, the essential issue for the GARA is the maintenance of a strong cohesion policy, but sporadic opportunities in various policy areas are also explored

    How does firm ownership concentration and female directors influence tax haven foreign direct investment? Evidence from Asia-Pacific and OECD countries

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    The literature on tax havens utilization by multinational enterprises (MNEs) has largely focused on determinants that are financial or technological in nature. We contribute to this literature by showing important corporate governance determinants for tax haven utilization by Asia-Pacific and OECD country MNEs. Theoretically, we show that ownership concentration and female board membership influence tax haven utilization. Empirically, we show negative associations between ownership concentration and female board membership and the likelihood of owning a subsidiary in a tax haven. Based on our results, we draw a number of implications for theoretical and empirical work, which also opens the door for further investigation in this area
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