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Unbounded Recursion in Two Dimensions, Where Syntax and Prosody Meet
Both syntax and prosody seem to require structures with unbounded branching, something that is not immediately provided by multiple context free grammars or other equivalently expressive formalisms. That extension is easy, and does not disrupt an appealing model of prosody/syntax interaction. Rather than computing prosodic and syntactic structures independently and then selecting optimally corresponding pairs, prosodic structures can be computed directly from the syntax, eliminating alignment issues and the need for bracket-insertion or other ad hoc devices. To illustrate, a simple model of prosodically-defined Irish pronoun displacement is briefly compared to previous proposals
A Case Study of the Convergence of Mildly Context-Sensitive Formalisms for Natural Language Syntax: from Minimalist Grammars to Multiple Context-Free Grammars
Soumis en tant que rapport de recherche INRIA Futurs - Projet SIGNESThe present work is set in the field of natural language syntactic parsing. We present the concept of "mildly context-sensitive" grammar formalisms, which are full-fetched and efficient for syntactic parsing. We summarize a number of these formalisms' definitions, together with the relations between one another, and, most importantly, a survey of known equivalences. The conversion of Edward Stabler's Minimalist Grammars into Multiple Context-Free Grammars (MCFG) is presented in particular detail, along with a study of the complexity of this procedure and of its implications for parsing. This report is an adaptation of the French Master thesis that bears the same name, from Bordeaux 1 University, June 2006
Categorial Minimalist Grammar: From Generative Syntax To Logical Form
International audienceWe first recall some basic notions on minimalist grammars and on categorial grammars. Next we shortly introduce partially commutative linear logic, and our representation of minimalist grammars within this categorial system, the so-called categorial minimalist grammars. Thereafter we briefly present λμ-DRT (Discourse Representation Theory) an extension of λ-DRT (compositional DRT) in the framework of λμ calculus: it avoids type raising and derives different readings from a single semantic representation, in a setting which follows discourse structure. We run a complete example which illustrates the various structures and rules that are needed to derive a semantic representation from the categorial view of a transformational syntactic analysis
Old and New Minimalism: a Hopf algebra comparison
In this paper we compare some old formulations of Minimalism, in particular
Stabler's computational minimalism, and Chomsky's new formulation of Merge and
Minimalism, from the point of view of their mathematical description in terms
of Hopf algebras. We show that the newer formulation has a clear advantage
purely in terms of the underlying mathematical structure. More precisely, in
the case of Stabler's computational minimalism, External Merge can be described
in terms of a partially defined operated algebra with binary operation, while
Internal Merge determines a system of right-ideal coideals of the Loday-Ronco
Hopf algebra and corresponding right-module coalgebra quotients. This
mathematical structure shows that Internal and External Merge have
significantly different roles in the old formulations of Minimalism, and they
are more difficult to reconcile as facets of a single algebraic operation, as
desirable linguistically. On the other hand, we show that the newer formulation
of Minimalism naturally carries a Hopf algebra structure where Internal and
External Merge directly arise from the same operation. We also compare, at the
level of algebraic properties, the externalization model of the new Minimalism
with proposals for assignments of planar embeddings based on heads of trees.Comment: 27 pages, LaTeX, 3 figure
Minimalist Grammars in the Light of Logic
In this paper, we aim at understanding the derivations of minimalist grammars without the shortest move constraint. This leads us to study the relationship of those derivations with logic. In particular we show that the membership problem of minimalist grammars without the shortest move constraint is as difficult as provability in Multiplicative Exponential Linear Logic. As a byproduct, this result gives us a new representation of those derivations with linear -terms. We show how to interpret those terms in a homomorphic way so as to recover the sentence they analyse. As the homorphisms we describe are rather evolved, we turn to a proof-net representation and explain how Monadic Second Order Logic and related techniques allow us both to define those proof-nets and to retrieve the sentence they analyse
Universal neural field computation
Turing machines and G\"odel numbers are important pillars of the theory of
computation. Thus, any computational architecture needs to show how it could
relate to Turing machines and how stable implementations of Turing computation
are possible. In this chapter, we implement universal Turing computation in a
neural field environment. To this end, we employ the canonical symbologram
representation of a Turing machine obtained from a G\"odel encoding of its
symbolic repertoire and generalized shifts. The resulting nonlinear dynamical
automaton (NDA) is a piecewise affine-linear map acting on the unit square that
is partitioned into rectangular domains. Instead of looking at point dynamics
in phase space, we then consider functional dynamics of probability
distributions functions (p.d.f.s) over phase space. This is generally described
by a Frobenius-Perron integral transformation that can be regarded as a neural
field equation over the unit square as feature space of a dynamic field theory
(DFT). Solving the Frobenius-Perron equation yields that uniform p.d.f.s with
rectangular support are mapped onto uniform p.d.f.s with rectangular support,
again. We call the resulting representation \emph{dynamic field automaton}.Comment: 21 pages; 6 figures. arXiv admin note: text overlap with
arXiv:1204.546
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