The narcissism of national solipsism:civic nationalism and sub-state formation processes in Scotland

This paper accounts for the lengthy emergence of sub-state nationalism in Scotland by locating it within British state formation processes. A spiral process of compromise and challenge characterises Scotland’s constantly evolving position within the United Kingdom. Despite the legalistic dilemmas that each challenge poses, the fissiparous process of sub-state remaking is rarely about ‘the constitution’ so much as shifts in the We–I balance expressed by deeply contested political and moral differences between formally equal but distinct partners of the ‘union state’. Relieved of direct responsibility for the organised violence of great power politics, and notwithstanding the formative role of Scots in managing the British empire, a charismatic Scottish we-ideal claims for itself the peaceful, humanist and egalitarian virtues of civic nationalism in contrast to the perfidious Machiavellianism at the heart of UK state power

Representation through deliberation-The European case

This article shows that the main pattern of European democratization has unfolded along the lines of an EU organized as a multilevel system of representative parliamentary government and not as a system of deliberative governance as the transnationalists propound. But the multilevel EU has developed a structure of representation that is theoretically challenging. In order to come to grips with this we present an institutional variant of deliberative theory, which understands democracy as the combination of a principle of justification and an organizational form. It comes with the following explanatory mechanisms: claimsmaking, justification and learning which in the EU also program institutional copying and emulation mechanisms. We show that the EU has established an incomplete system of representative democracy steeped in a distinct representation-deliberation interface, which has emerged through a particular and distinct configuration of democratization mechanisms

The Complexity of Fully Proportional Representation for Single-Crossing Electorates

We study the complexity of winner determination in single-crossing elections under two classic fully proportional representation rules---Chamberlin--Courant's rule and Monroe's rule. Winner determination for these rules is known to be NP-hard for unrestricted preferences. We show that for single-crossing preferences this problem admits a polynomial-time algorithm for Chamberlin--Courant's rule, but remains NP-hard for Monroe's rule. Our algorithm for Chamberlin--Courant's rule can be modified to work for elections with bounded single-crossing width. To circumvent the hardness result for Monroe's rule, we consider single-crossing elections that satisfy an additional constraint, namely, ones where each candidate is ranked first by at least one voter (such elections are called narcissistic). For single-crossing narcissistic elections, we provide an efficient algorithm for the egalitarian version of Monroe's rule.Comment: 23 page

Improving EU Constitutional Politics? A Preliminary Assessment of the Convention

The Convention appears to many as both a confirmation of the thesis of the new institutionalism on the value of institutions for shaping the outcome of constitutional politics (the politics of creating EU fundamental rules) and a new model for democratic deliberative politics. From this second perspective, there is no doubt that it significantly improves EU constitutional politics but, when viewed against stringent procedural requirements defining the deliberation process, some defects appear. Representativity, procedures, the consensus rule and the Convention mandate provide standards to measure the criteria for assessing the democratic and legitimate character of the Convention.constitutional change; democracy; legitimacy; European Convention; treaty reform; political science

One of Us: Multilevel Models Examining the Impact of Descriptive Representation on Civic Engagement

This paper examines the impact of descriptive representation in comparative perspective. The goals are to establish (1) whether descriptive representation mobilizes attitudinal and behavioral indicators of civic engagement; (2) whether the strength of any such relationship differs for women and young people; and (3) whether this relationship is evident cross?nationally. The first section provides an overview of existing research on descriptive representation and the civic engagement of women and young people. The second section presents the research design. The third reports and discusses the findings of the multilevel models and what these suggest about relationships between descriptive representation in national parliaments and patterns in civic engagement among citizens. The paper concludes with a summary of the major findings and reflects upon their implications for understanding and altering long?standing inequalities in civic engagement.

E-democracy: potential for political revolution?

This article focuses on the traditional notions of democracy and governance in the context of the recent shock first-round election results in France. The results prima facie suggest voter apathy and disengagement from the democratic process. However, the spontaneous street protests confirm that voters are not apathetic about democracy, rather they are dissatisfied with the current model of government and the unresponsive nature of government. It will be argued that the interactive nature of Internet technology has the potential to reinvigorate the democratic process and re-engage citizens positively in political life

Rafting Towards Consensus: Formation Control of Distributed Dynamical Systems

In this paper, we introduce a novel adaptation of the Raft consensus algorithm for achieving emergent formation control in multi-agent systems with a single integrator dynamics. This strategy, dubbed "Rafting," enables robust cooperation between distributed nodes, thereby facilitating the achievement of desired geometric configurations. Our framework takes advantage of the Raft algorithm's inherent fault tolerance and strong consistency guarantees to extend its applicability to distributed formation control tasks. Following the introduction of a decentralized mechanism for aggregating agent states, a synchronization protocol for information exchange and consensus formation is proposed. The Raft consensus algorithm combines leader election, log replication, and state machine application to steer agents toward a common, collaborative goal. A series of detailed simulations validate the efficacy and robustness of our method under various conditions, including partial network failures and disturbances. The outcomes demonstrate the algorithm's potential and open up new possibilities in swarm robotics, autonomous transportation, and distributed computation. The implementation of the algorithms presented in this paper is available at https://github.com/abbas-tari/raft.git

From women’s presence to feminist representation:Second-generation design for women’s group representation

Feminist democratic representation is a new design for women’s group representation in electoral politics. We build on the design principles and practices of the 1990s’ presence theorists, who conceived of political inclusion as the presence of descriptive representatives and advocated for gender quota. Our second-generation design foregrounds women’s ideological and intersectional heterogeneity, and details a representative process that enacts three feminist principles: inclusiveness, responsiveness and egalitarianism. A new set of actors – the affected representatives of women – play formal, institutionalised roles in two new democratic practices: group advocacy and account giving. Together, these augmentations incentivise new attitudes and behaviours among elected representatives, and bring about multiple representational effects that redress the poverty of women’s political representation: elected representatives now know more, care more and are more connected to diverse women, including the most marginalised; and the represented are now more closely connected with, more interested in and better represented through democratic politics