715 research outputs found

    Children and Youth at Risk in Times of Transition: International and Interdisciplinary Perspectives

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    Children and youth belong to one of the most vulnerable groups in societies. This was the case even before the current humanitarian crises around the world which led millions of people and families to flee from wars, terror, poverty and exploitation. Minors have been denied human rights such as access to education, food and health services. They have been kidnapped, sold, manipulated, mutilated, killed, and injured. This has been and continues to be the case in both developed and developing countries, and it does not look as if the situation will improve in the near future. Rather, current geopolitical developments, political and economic uncertainties and instabilities seem to be increasing the vulnerability of minors, especially in the wars and armed conflicts currently being waged not only in Europe, but on almost every continent. How can risks children and youth are exposed to in times of transition be reduced? Which role do state agencies, non-governmental organisations, as well as children's coping strategies play in mitigating the vulnerabilities of minors? This volume addresses risks to which children and young people are exposed, especially in times of transition. The focus is on different groups of children in the European wartime and post-war societies of the Second World War, 'occupation children' in Germany, teenage National Socialist collaborators in Norway, and more recent cases such as child soldiers, refugee children, and children of European "Islamic State" fighters. The contributions come from international scholars and different academic disciplines (educational and social sciences, humanities, law, and international peace and conflict studies) and are based on historical, quantitative, and/or qualitative analyses.Kinder und Jugendliche gehören zu den am meisten gefährdeten Gruppen einer Gesellschaft. Dies war auch schon vor den aktuellen humanitären Krisen in der Welt der Fall, die Millionen von Menschen und Familien zur Flucht vor Kriegen, Terror, Armut und Ausbeutung veranlassten. Minderjährigen wurden Menschenrechte wie der Zugang zu Bildung, Nahrung und medizinischer Versorgung verweigert. Sie wurden entführt, verkauft, manipuliert, verstümmelt, getötet und verletzt. Dies war und ist sowohl in den Industrie- als auch in den Entwicklungsländern der Fall, und es sieht nicht so aus, als würde sich die Situation in naher Zukunft verbessern. Dieser Band befasst sich mit Risiken, denen Kinder und Jugendliche vor allem in Zeiten des Übergangs ausgesetzt sind. Im Mittelpunkt stehen verschiedene Gruppen von Kindern in den europäischen Kriegs- und Nachkriegsgesellschaften des Zweiten Weltkriegs, "Besatzungskinder" in Deutschland, jugendliche NS-Kollaborateure in Norwegen und neuere Fälle wie Kindersoldat*innen, Flüchtlingskinder und Kinder von europäischen "Islamischen Staat"-Kämpfer*innen. Die Beiträge stammen von internationalen Wissenschaftler*innen und verschiedenen akademischen Disziplinen (Erziehungs- und Sozialwissenschaften, Geisteswissenschaften, Rechtswissenschaften und internationale Friedens- und Konfliktstudien) und basieren auf historischen, quantitativen und/oder qualitativen Analysen

    LIPIcs, Volume 251, ITCS 2023, Complete Volume

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    LIPIcs, Volume 251, ITCS 2023, Complete Volum

    Arabista a stát: Výuka arabského a jazyka profesionalizace blízkovýchodní expertízy ve státní sféře

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    The dissertation focuses on a phenomenon of "state-Arabists", i.e., a group of state employees, both civil servants and members of armed forces, who have been systematically directed towards careers requiring proficiency in the Arabic language. The author observes this specific group in the United States, United Kingdom, and Israel between the end of the Second World War and the so-called Arab Spring. The focus of the analysis is twofold. The first is a comparative history of institutions tasked with the Arabic language instruction established directly by the three countries. The second theme are the instructional programmes conducted by these institutions. The author focuses mainly on the ideological factors in their presentation of the Arabic language, the "Otherness" of the Arabic speaking world, and, in most extreme cases, the sentiment of Arabic as a "language of the enemy". Both lines of inquiry are anchored within the context of "critical junctures", thus reflecting the impact of the general history on such a specific instance of exertion of state power as the instruction of a language. The analytical focus on the concurrence of large-scale events of the 20th and early 21st centuries eventually reveals noticeable differences between the civilian and military institutions. The diplomatic...Disertační práce se zaměřuje na fenomén "státních Arabistů", tedy zaměstnanců státu, civilních i těch v ozbrojených silách, kteří byli systematicky směřováni ke kariérám vyžadujícím vysokou úroveň znalosti arabského jazyka. Autor tuto specifickou skupinu zkoumá ve Spojených státech amerických, Spojeném království a v Izraeli mezi koncem 2. světové války a událostmi tzv. arabského jara. Analýza je vedena ve dvou stěžejních směrech. První je komparativní historie institucí, které se dlouhodobě zaměřovaly na výuku arabského jazyka a byly zřizovány přímo těmito státy. Druhým tématem jsou samotné vzdělávací programy uskutečňované těmito institucemi. Autor se zaměřuje především na ideologické faktory v jejich prezentaci arabského jazyka, "jinakosti" arabsky hovořícího světa a v extrémních případech na sentiment arabštiny coby "jazyka nepřítele". Obě linie jsou volně ukotveny v kontextu tzv. "critical junctures" a referují dopady obecných dějin na tak specifický jev výkonu státní moci, jakým je jazyková výuka. Zaměření analýzy na souběh velkých událostí 20. a počátku 21. století se změnami ve výuce arabštiny nakonec odhaluje značné rozdíly mezi civilními a vojenskými institucemi. Především diplomatické sbory budovaly svou arabistickou expertizu systematicky a dlouhodobě, zatímco ozbrojené síly inklinovaly...Katedra Blízkého východuDepartment of Middle Eastern StudiesFaculty of ArtsFilozofická fakult

    Making Coalition Under Occupation Coalition Building and Solidarity across Divides in Social Movements Campaigns in Israel and Palestine

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    Sotto il controllo israeliano, la regione storicamente nota come Palestina ha sperimentato una persistente frammentazione e la disconnessione delle sue terre. Tuttavia, questa frammentazione si estende oltre il dominio geografico per includere la divisione delle comunità che la popolano. Queste divisioni e separazioni non sono solo il risultato di un conflitto in corso tra due gruppi etnonazionali, ma piuttosto il risultato dell'inesorabile colonizzazione perseguita dal movimento sionista. Questa tesi mira a collegare le intuizioni sia della letteratura del colonialismo d'insediamento che degli studi sui movimenti sociali, uno sforzo unico che non è stato intrapreso in precedenza e ha il potenziale per favorire lo scambio e l'apprendimento interdisciplinare. Nonostante le oppressive divisioni imposte, ci sono casi in cui si possono osservare alleanze e cooperazione tra ebrei israeliani e palestinesi. Questa tesi esaminerà le circostanze e le condizioni relazionali che rendono possibili tali coalizioni.Nel corso dei decenni, la Palestina storica è stata teatro di massicce mobilitazioni, mostrando la capacità del movimento palestinese di innovare e riformulare costantemente le sue strategie, tecniche di protesta e rivendicazioni. Del resto, nel corso degli anni, la repressione israeliana non è mai cessata anzi, si è evoluta, trovando sempre nuove strategie e nuove tecnologie per reprimere il dissenso. In un contesto sociale così rarefatto, come è possibile sostenere la creazione di coalizioni tra palestinesi e israeliani mentre tutto sembra spingere nella direzione del confronto e del conflitto? E quando questa cooperazione è stabilita, in che modo gli attori dei movimenti sociali sono in grado di affrontare l'asimmetria di potere che deriva dall'essere gli "occupanti" e gli "occupati"? Mantenere coalizioni, solidarietà e cooperazione al di là delle differenze (di razza, genere, etnia e religione) non è mai stato così urgente. Questa tesi cerca di colmare questa lacuna nella letteratura proponendo un quadro teorico originale per analizzare tre campagne di movimenti sociali che hanno visto la cooperazione di diversi gruppi etnonazionali. Le tre campagne si sono articolate in tre diversi contesti territoriali mostrando l'importanza del contesto e delle opportunità politiche e legali.La prima campagna esaminata si è svolta nei territori palestinesi con l'obiettivo di proteggere un villaggio che rischiava la demolizione nelle colline a sud di Hebron, in particolare nell'area C della Cisgiordania. Il secondo caso, invece, si è svolto nel cuore di Gerusalemme, una città divisa, e si è concentrato su un quartiere prevalentemente palestinese che spesso ha subito sgomberi da parte delle istituzioni israeliane. Sebbene questi due casi siano considerati esempi positivi, è importante riconoscere e affrontare le differenze che esistevano al loro interno.Infine, il terzo caso esplora una coalizione formata all'interno del movimento delle donne israeliane che ha cercato di coinvolgere gruppi di donne palestinesi sia dentro i confini di Israele che nei Territori palestinesi occupati. Questo tentativo si è rivelato impegnativo e alla fine infruttuoso, portando a considerarlo come un caso negativo in cui è stata tentata un'alleanza ma alla fine è fallita. Questi tre casi mostrano come attivisti appartenenti a diversi gruppi etnonazionali abbiano saputo o meno affrontare l'asimmetria di potere che caratterizza la divisione coloniale. Oltre alle strategie specifiche, questa tesi considera anche come il tipo di regime politico e il contesto locale influenzino questo tipo di alleanza. Infine, sviluppa un modello concettuale che ridefinisce come mantenere coalizioni attraverso la regola delle tre T: Time, Trust and Ties.Per quanto riguarda i metodi utilizzati in questa tesi, la ricerca si è svolta in due periodi di lavoro sul campo. Sono state condotte un totale di 71 interviste (faccia a faccia e online) insieme a diverse osservazioni partecipanti che hanno portato alla stesura di quasi un centinaio di pagine di note di campo. Oltre alle interviste e all'osservazione partecipanti, è stata effettuata un'analisi degli eventi di protesta, per ricostruire il ciclo della protesta nel tempo. Ciò ha consentito la possibilità di svolgere uno studio longitudinale della composizione di questi movimenti. Per il caso negativo, insieme alle interviste, ho creato un questionario presentato online per ricostruire la rete delle organizzazioni femminili attive in questa campagna. L'analisi dei dati è avvenuta con il programma MaxQDA e attraverso una Social Network Analysis qualitativa con UCINET che permette di comprendere descrittivamente la composizione e le caratteristiche dei gruppi che hanno partecipato alle campagne e come sono cambiati nel tempo. Molto lavoro è stato dedicato anche alla restituzione con le comunità e gli attivisti coinvolti e alla diffusione all'interno della società civile italianaUnder Israeli control, the region historically known as Palestine has experienced persistent fragmentation and the disconnection of its lands. However, this fragmentation extends beyond the geographic domain to include the division of communities. I argue that these divisions and separations are not solely the outcome of an ongoing conflict between two ethnonational groups but rather the result of the relentless colonization pursued by the Zionist movement. This thesis aims to bridge insights from both settler-colonial literature and Social Movements Studies, a unique endeavour that has not been undertaken previously and has the potential to foster interdisciplinary exchange and learning. Despite the oppressive divisions imposed, there are instances where alliances and cooperation between Israeli Jews and Palestinians can be observed. This dissertation will examine the circumstances and relational conditions that make such coalitions possible.Throughout the decades, Historical Palestine has been the stage of massive mobilizations and social engagements, showing the ability of the Palestinian movement to constantly innovate and re-frame its strategies, techniques of protests, and claims. Besides, all over the years, Israeli repression has never ceased rather, it evolved, finding always new strategies and new technologies to repress dissent, from all sides. In such a rarefied social context, how is it possible to support the creation of coalitions between Palestinians and Israelis while everything seems to push in the direction of confrontation and conflict? And when this cooperation is established, how are social movements’ actors able to address the power asymmetry that derives from being the “occupiers” and the “occupied”? Maintaining coalitions, solidarity, and cooperation across differences (such as race, gender, ethnicity, and religion) has never been so urgent. This thesis tries to fill this gap in the literature by proposing an original theoretical framework to analyse three social movement campaigns that witnessed the cooperation of ethnonational diverse groups. The three campaigns articulated into three different territorial settings in order to show the importance of context and political and legal opportunities.The initial campaign examined occurred in the Palestinian territories and aimed to protect a village facing demolition in the South Hebron Hills, specifically in area C of the West Bank. The second case, on the other hand, took place in the heart of Jerusalem, a divided city, and focused on a predominantly Palestinian neighbourhood that frequently faced evictions by Israeli institutions. Although these two cases are regarded as positive examples, it is important to acknowledge and address the internal differences that existed within them.Lastly, the third case explores a coalition formed within the Israeli women's movement that sought to engage Palestinian women's groups both within the borders of Israel and in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. This endeavour proved to be challenging and ultimately unsuccessful, leading to consider it as a negative case in which an alliance was attempted but ultimately failed. These three cases show how activists belonging to different ethnonational groups have been able or not to address the asymmetry of power that characterizes the colonial division. In addition to the specific strategies, this thesis also considers how the type of political regime, and the legislative setting influences this type of alliance. Finally, it develops a conceptual model that redefines how to maintain long-lasting coalitions through the rule of the three Ts: Time, Ties, and Trust.As regards the methods used in this thesis, the research took place in two periods of fieldwork. A total of 71 interviews were conducted (face-to-face and online) together with several participant observations which led to the drafting of almost a hundred pages of field notes. In addition to interviews and participant observation, a Protest Event Analysis was carried out, to reconstruct the protest cycle through time. This allows for the inclusion of a longitudinal study of these movements' composition. For the negative case, together with the interviews, I created a questionnaire to reconstruct the network of women's organizations active in this campaign submitted online. The data analysis took place with the MaxQDA program and through a qualitative Social Network Analysis with UCINET which allows understanding descriptively the composition and characteristics of the groups that participated in the campaigns and how they changed over time. Much work has been also devoted to restitution with the communities and activists involved and dissemination within the Italian civil society secto

    Security Elites in Egypt and Jordan after the Arab Spring : A Case Study on Securocracies’ Role on National Security, Domestic Power Politics, Regional Order and Middle Eastern Alliance Making between 2011 and 2021

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    The doctoral dissertation studied changes in the balance of power, alliance making and the hegemonic struggles of security elites within a Middle Eastern regional context over a ten year reference period between 2011 and 2021. The study focused on two case study countries: Egypt and Jordan. The results were compared within a historical context to the pre-Arab Spring era. The theoretical approach combined the English School of Thought and Middle Eastern Studies with a conceptual model of securocracy developed by the author. The primary contribution of the research is the realization of the core importance of securocracy within autocratic state systems. Inside securocracies there exists rivalling groups and organisations that counterbalance each other. The study points to the fact that the power struggle between executive powers – either purely domestic one or supported by foreign involvement, is the main driver behind why case study countries were in varying degrees dragged into instability and turmoil in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. Securocracies can be divided into two main types: centralised and decentralised. The centralised model occurs when different elites groups have the same ”distance” to the ruler while having equal privileges and equal access to political power. The model predicts durability and stability of the regime (status quo). In the de-centralised model, there is an ongoing struggle amongst elite groups and “distances” to ruler are not equal, neither are the privileges. In Egypt the hegemonic struggle amongst elites took precedence over the interests and stability of the state after the Arab Spring and has continued since then. The situation at the end of 2021 is a de-centralised model where all executive powers are concentrated within President al-Sisi’s family dynasty (palace) and the leadership of military intelligence. This de-centralised type of securocracy makes Egypt’s situation fragile. Any impact from the outside, such as the Biden administration’s decision to impose additional conditions on U.S. financial military aid, could lead to a new hegemonic struggle challenging al-Sisi’s power. The securocracy’s survival strategy found in the study was the use of vertical power at all levels of the state hierarchy (” the winner takes it all”). In the situation of a power struggle, the ruler uses omni-balancing i.e., alliance making with powerful foreign states in order to gain an advantage against domestic rivals and revisionist regional states. The Egyptian example is al-Sisi’s rapprochement with Russia’s President Putin and his distancing of Egypt from its previous role of being the United States’ loyal Middle Eastern ally. The Jordanian example however, is the opposite, resulting in even closer relations with the United States since January 2021 when the two countries signed an updated Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). The study also highlights that decisions concerning ruler succession in authoritarian states take place behind-the-scenes amongst the securocracy as it, per rule, prefers to choose a member inside its own interest group or alternatively a political figurehead that commits to protect securocracy’s privileged interests in exchange of their own power position. Within the Middle East, the recent U.S. pivot to Asia-Pacific created an opportunity for Russia to make a come-back. Russia, however, does not have the resources to compensate for the loss of U.S. financial military aid to the security elites. This in turn, and with Russia’s consent, has given space for regional state actors, particularly, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi-Arabia, to increase their influence. Gulf support to the regional clients is not free of charge: they request their clients adopt their own threat perceptions, take sides in armed conflicts and contribute to military capabilities which support the sponsors’ regional foreign and security policy goals.Väitöstutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin kymmenen vuoden ajanjaksolla voimatasapainon muutosta Lähi-idän alueellisessa valtarakenteessa, liittolaissuhteiden muutoksia sekä turvallisuuseliittien roolia maan sisäisessä valtataistelussa. Tuloksia verrattiin historiallisessa kontekstissa arabikevättä edeltävään aikaan kahdessa tapaustutkimusmaassa: Egyptissä ja Jordaniassa. Teoriaviitekehyksenä sovellettiin Englantilaisen koulukunnan ja Lähi-idän tutkimuksen teoriamalleja, sekä tutkijan kehittelemää sekurokratian konseptuaalista mallia. Tutkimuksen keskeinen tulos on havainto sekurokratian merkittävästä roolista osana autoritaarista valtiomallia. Sekurokratian sisälle on luotu useita toinen toistaan tasapainottavia ryhmittymiä. Tapaustutkimusmaiden arabikevään jälkeisen turvallisuustilanteen muutoksia selittävien tekijöiden joukossa turvallisuuseliittien valtakamppailu nousi merkittävään rooliin. Valtakamppailua käytiin eliittien kesken joko pelkästään maan sisällä tai vaihtoehtoisesti osin myös valtion ulkopuolisten voimien tukemana. Tutkimuksen perusteella sekurokratiat voidaan jakaa kahteen päätyyppiin: keskitettyyn ja hajautettuun malliin. Jos eri turvallisuuseliitti-ryhmien edut, vallankäyttö ja etäisyys vallan keskipisteeseen ovat tasapainossa puhutaan keskitetyn sekurokratian mallista, mikä ennustaa vallassa olevan regiimin pysyvyyttä ja vakautta. Jos taas sekurokratian rakenne on hajautetun mallin mukainen, sen valtakamppailu voi johtaa yhden osan pyrkimyksiin hegemonia-asemasta. Egyptin tapauksessa arabikevään jälkeinen turvallisuuseliittien valtakamppailu asetettiin maan vakauden edelle ja eliittien valtakamppailu on jatkunut tähän päivään. Tilanteessa vuoden 2021 lopussa valta on al-Sisin perhedynastialla ja sotilastiedustelun eliitillä (hajautettu malli). Hajautettu malli ei ennusta pitkäaikaista vallassa pysymistä; vahva ulkopuolinen heräte, esimerkiksi Bidenin hallinnon sotilaallisen talousavun lopettaminen voisi johtaa uuteen valtakamppailuun ja al-Sisin valta-aseman haastamiseen. Tutkimustulokset osoittavat, että sekurokratoiden selviytymisstrategiana on vallanvertikaalin käyttö valtiohallinnon eri tasoilla. Valtakamppailun tilanteessa käytetään tasapainotusstrategiaa (omni-balancing), missä alueellisia vahvoja valtioita ja suurvaltoja pyritään yhdistämään hallitsijan puolelle kilpailevia eliittiryhmittymiä tai revisionistisia ulkovaltoja vastaan. Egyptissä presidentti al-Sisin valtaannousu johti maan lähentymiseen presidentti Putinin Venäjän kanssa sekä etääntymiseen aiemmasta Yhdysvalloille uskollisen Lähi-idän liittolaisen roolista. Jordaniassa puolestaan maa on nyt entistä tiiviimmin liittoutunut Yhdysvaltojen kanssa. Esimerkkinä tästä on tammikuussa 2021 maiden kesken solmittu sotilasyhteistyötä ja jordanialaisten tukikohtien käyttöä säätelevä isäntämaatuki-sopimus. Tutkimustulosten valossa autoritaariselle vallanperimykselle tyypillistä on se, että julkisuuteen näkymättömän sisäisen valtakamppailun jälkeen uudeksi valtionpäämieheksi pyritään nostamaan sekurokratian sisältä sen oman intressiryhmän edustaja, tai vaihtoehtoisesti sekurokratian valitsema ulkopuolinen poliitikko, jonka vastuulle korporaation intressien vaaliminen lankeaa vastapalveluksena sekurokratian tuesta keulakuva-poliitikon vallassa pitämiseksi. Alueellisen turvallisuusjärjestyksen osalta tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat sen, että Yhdysvaltojen painopisteen siirto Tyynellemerelle vii ja Aasiaan on antanut Venäjälle mahdollisuuden palauttaa vaikutusvaltaansa Lähiitään. Venäjällä ei kuitenkaan ole resursseja kompensoida Yhdysvaltojen arabivaltioiden turvallisuuseliiteille allokoimaa taloudellista tukea. Tämä on antanut tilaa alueellisten toimijoiden kuten Yhdistyneiden arabiemiirikuntien ja Saudi-Arabian vaikutusvallan kasvattamiselle - tosin Venäjän hyväksynnällä. Tuki ei myöskään tule ilmaiseksi, sillä sponsorit edellyttävät, että niille alisteisessa asemassa olevat maat omaksuvat tukijavaltioidensa uhkakuvat, sekä konfliktitilanteissa kontribuoivat sotilaallisia kyvykkyyksiä näiden valtioiden ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittisten päämäärien saavuttamiseksi

    Indagini sul Giappone : nuove prospettive di studio e ricerca

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    [Italiano]: Questo volume costituisce una raccolta di saggi sul Giappone antico e moderno, derivati e rielaborati a partire dalle relazioni presentate al XLIII Convegno di studi sul Giappone dell’AISTUGIA – Associazione Italiana per gli Studi Giapponesi, tenutosi presso l’Università di Napoli L’Orientale dal 26 al 28 settembre 2019. Il volume offre un’accurata rappresentazione degli approcci, dei metodi, delle riflessioni dei relatori nei confronti dei rispettivi ambiti di ricerca, che spaziano dalla letteratura classica, moderna e contemporanea alle arti performative, dalla linguistica all’archeologia, dalla storia al diritto e alla politica. Spesso le tematiche di un settore si intrecciano con altre aree: l’alimentazione, ad esempio, diventa tema economico e politico, la medicina diviene oggetto di analisi storica e la letteratura si configura come strumento per l’analisi dei disagi sociali. La possibilità per i campi di ricerca di superare i confini disciplinari rigidi rappresenta uno degli aspetti significativi emersi da questo libro. / [English]: The volume includes essays on ancient and modern Japan elaborated from the papers presented at the 43rd Conference on Japanese Studies organised by AISTUGIA - the Italian Association for Japanese Studies, held at the University of Naples L’Orientale from September 26 to 28, 2019. The volume provides a comprehensive overview of the theoretical perspectives of the speakers in their respective research fields, which range from classical, modern, and contemporary literature to performing arts, linguistics, archaeology, history, law, and politics. Often, the themes of one field intertwine with other areas: for example, food becomes an economic and political issue, medicine a matter of historical analysis, and literature serves as a tool for analysing social issues. The possibility for research fields to transcend rigid and artificial disciplinary boundaries is a crucial aspect highlighted in this volume

    LIPIcs, Volume 261, ICALP 2023, Complete Volume

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    LIPIcs, Volume 261, ICALP 2023, Complete Volum
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