A comparative study on cyber power : the United Kingdom, France, and Germany

This thesis aims to shed light on the concept of cyber power. Cyber power is a concept that has gained relevance with geopolitical dynamics reaching cyberspace and the increasing intertwining between the physical and digital. In this regard, this concept has been treated through three theoretical lenses: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Still, constructivist approaches to the concept are sparse and deserve some attention. Thus, the thesis was based on a constructivist perspective, tackling the following research problem: How do states’ perceptions of cybersecurity shape the form of their power projection? Does that confer a new form of power relations, therefore, cyber power as a phenomenon? To answer these questions, the research was developed to be a qualitative comparative study with a case center design. The selection of cases took a regional focus and encompassed conventional geopolitical European powers: the United Kingdom, France, and Germany. As auxiliary methods, the research used qualitative document analysis, practice tracing, and interviews to ensure robust findings. Specifically, the thesis was divided into seven chapters. The first chapter presents the research design and briefly contextualizes the debate over cyber power. The second chapter recalls what power means, going back to Political Sciences' influences on International Relations and the generational development of cyber power theories and indexes. The third, fourth, and fifth chapters focus on the case studies of the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, highlighting their digital mentalities (i.e., self and threat perceptions). The sixth chapter presents the comparison within the cases, pointing to similarities and differences in the concept of cyber power and how perspectives shaped the countries' international positions. The final chapter concludes the research findings and points out that strategic cybersecurity culture plays a relevant role in countries' cyber power perspectives. Even though cyber power was a term only used explicitly by the United Kingdom, it translated into the term sovereignty for France and Germany. In this regard, the idea of power in cyberspace presented itself as broader than just offensive and defensive capabilities, encompassing governance/diplomatic and economic/domestic affairs aspects. Besides, there is an influencing aspect, exposing that cyber power projection would be visible through diplomacy/cyber diplomacy.Esta tese tem como objetivo lançar luz sobre o conceito de poder cibernético. O poder cibernético é um conceito que ganhou relevância com a dinâmica geopolítica que atinge o ciberespaço e o crescente entrelaçamento entre o físico e o digital. Nesse sentido, esse conceito foi tratado por meio de três lentes teóricas: realismo, liberalismo e construtivismo. Ainda assim, as abordagens construtivistas do conceito são escassas e merecem alguma atenção. Dessa forma, a tese se baseou em uma perspectiva construtivista, abordando o seguinte problema: Como as percepções dos Estados sobre segurança cibernética moldam a forma de sua projeção de poder? Isso confere uma nova forma de relações de poder, portanto o poder cibernético como fenômeno? Para responder a estas questões, a pesquisa foi desenvolvida para ser um estudo qualitativo comparativo com um desenho centrado em casos. A seleção dos casos teve um enfoque regional e abrangeu potências geopolíticas europeias convencionais: Reino Unido, França e Alemanha. Como métodos auxiliares, a pesquisa utilizou análise qualitativa de documentos, rastreamento de práticas e entrevistas para garantir resultados robustos. Especificamente, a tese foi dividida em sete capítulos. O primeiro capítulo apresenta o desenho da pesquisa e contextualiza brevemente o debate sobre o poder cibernético. O segundo capítulo relembra o que significa poder, remontando às influências das Ciências Políticas nas Relações Internacionais e ao desenvolvimento geracional de teorias e índices de poder cibernético. O terceiro, quarto e quinto capítulos se concentram nos estudos de caso, do Reino Unido, França e Alemanha, destacando suas mentalidades digitais (ou seja, percepções de si mesmo e de ameaças). O sexto capítulo apresenta a comparação dentro dos casos, apontando semelhanças e diferenças no conceito de poder cibernético e como perspectivas moldaram as posições internacionais dos países. O capítulo final conclui os achados da pesquisa e aponta que a cultura de segurança estratégica desempenha um papel relevante nas perspectivas do poder cibernético dos países. Embora o poder cibernético seja um termo usado apenas explicitamente pelo Reino Unido, ele se traduziu no termo soberania para a França e a Alemanha. Nesse sentido, a ideia de poder no ciberespaço apresentou-se como mais ampla do que apenas capacidades ofensivas e defensivas, englobando aspectos de governança/diplomacia e econômico/ domésticos. Além disso, há um aspecto de influência no conceito, expondo que a projeção do poder cibernético seria visível por meio da diplomacia/ciberdiplomacia

Irregular Competition: Contemporary Lessons Learned and Implications for the Future

Irregular Competition is defined in this study as “State and non-state actors proactively engaging in activities to influence populations and affect legitimacy during times of peace, competition, and conflict.” The research question asked by this study is “Derived from contemporary case study lessons learned, what are the implications for the future of Irregular Competition in support of greater US national security objectives?” In answering the research question, Hans Morgenthau’s Realist Theory of International Politics was applied, although other aspects of realism and theories of international relations theory were considered. The rationale for this study is that despite a general reprioritization toward conventional concerns espoused in current US national security strategy documents, America’s state and non-state adversaries continue to operate globally with malign intent through unconventional methods. This qualitative, inductive, grounded-theory research centers on the linear-analysis of three cases: US Irregular Competition activities to undermine the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, 1979-1989; US Irregular Competition activities directed toward Iran, 2001-2021; Chinese Irregular Competition against the Philippines, 2012-2021. A summary of case study lessons learned as well as theoretical, practical, and empirical implications for the future are presented. The three primary academic contributions of this research to the body of knowledge on this subject are: (1) A new definition of Irregular Competition is provided along with an explanation for its need (2) Analysis of whether a distinct, Chinese, International Relations (IR) theory exists in the specific context of Irregular Competition (3) A unique theoretical model for conceptualizing whole-of-government Irregular Competition is constructed

An Evidence-driven Research to the Transgressions of Geneva Conventions by the Communist Party of China Led Autocratic Regime

The "second-generation indigenization" hypothesis of Huntington's phenomenological observations on totalitarianism in Cold War regime collapse subtly portrayed the realpolitik interest groups' political influences with autocracy disbandment processes. The research puts democratization as the premise and globalization as purpose for the analysis, with the cultural anthropological psychopathology & criminological elements of genocide and crime against humanity explained, underlying some of the Communist Party of China (CPC)’s organizational behaviors. With the regionalism purposes & approaches to multilateralism by People's Republic of China (PRC), the end of democratization is leveraged against the procedural means with power politics of declared “decmocracy”. Between quantitative autocratic controls and realpolitik local-regional interest groups, the connotation of democratization in liberal international globalization has either been used for militant purposes or pushed the landscape of regime collapse into realpolitik local groups and autocratic controls in the process of globalization, with a case study on a local branch of Argricultural Bank of China on supply-side hijacking by the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of the State Council (SASAC). With the industrial interests omposed on realpolitik local groups, autocratic regionalism becomes of the "best interest scenario" for the realpolitik local groups with psychopathological spread of the criminological behaviors, by the cyber organizational criminal operations correlated with PRC’s approaches to international relations and multilateralism through bilateral trade & finance in monetary and currency domains, developed into the digitization of economies with criminological schemes in telecommunication, information, and informatics systems. However, the diminishing autonomy & freedom of the territorial population in turn derogated the real economy that wielded the prisoners' dilemma between autocracy and totalitarianism in a negative sum game deterioration cycle, with the censorship practices by the illicit regimes for propaganda controls sustaining "ideology security". In the democratization process of the dictatorial regime, "second-generation indigenization" is thus mapped to the sectarian interests respondent to dictatorial propaganda generation, other than a natural phenomenon out of autonomy and freedom premises in decision theory. The article recaps the coup d'état between Xi Jinping and Bo Xilai before Xi took the autocratic power, and analyzes the human rights situation in the obstacle of democratization and by the coercion mechanism imposed on the mainland China civil society for the militant purposes, with its behaviral spread of censorship to the “internet platforms” in liberal democratic countries by financial interest incentives and avoidance from war threats, whereby military backends in the cyber systems already indicate otherwise

The New Thought Police: Inside the Left’s Assault on Free Speech and Free Minds (book review)

Attacks on political correctness have grown both plentiful and rather tiresome. Such tomes occasionally score valid ideological points, but one grows weary of the bitter repetitiveness of it all. The New Thought Police might seem to offer a little novelty to the litany. Bruce is undeniably bright, impassioned, and edgy. Her book, however, is decidedly a mixed bag. The best parts center on her controversial role as a feminist spokeswoman during the O.J. Simpson murder trial. Bruce cogently emphasized that the case was a tragic paradigm of domestic violence rather than a racist conspiracy against a black cultural icon. Bruce’s anger is both the strength and the failing of The New Thought Police. Her indignation propels the book’s intensity, but goads her into mudslinging that sounds all too familiar. The writing, moreover, ranges from the witty and incisive to the annoying jejune. All in all, The New Thought Police resembles a keen from a wounded heart rather than a serious analysis of legal and cultural issues

Online Censorship in the Middle East and North Africa

Today, the Internet is used by more than a quarter of the world's population, yet access is quite uneven globally. The thesis aims to explore the issue of online censorship in Egypt and Tunisia, focusing on the role of authoritarian regimes in shaping Internet freedom in these countries. The thesis argues that while the Internet has the potential to be a tool for democracy and freedom of expression, it can also be used by authoritarian regimes to exert control over their populations. The thesis uses a research design that is exploratory, descriptive, and analytical, with qualitative research methods such as interviews, to provide a more nuanced understanding of Internet censorship and gender differences in Internet usage. The research aims to contribute to a better understanding of the potential for online activism and free expression in the context of authoritarianism, and the thesis addresses the main research question: How has the Internet become a tool for control in authoritarian regimes? Overall, the thesis intends to provide insights into the complex landscape of Internet rights and censorship in Egypt and Tunisia and to inform policy and practice aimed at promoting Internet freedom and gender equality in the region.Today, the Internet is used by more than a quarter of the world's population, yet access is quite uneven globally. The thesis aims to explore the issue of online censorship in Egypt and Tunisia, focusing on the role of authoritarian regimes in shaping Internet freedom in these countries. The thesis argues that while the Internet has the potential to be a tool for democracy and freedom of expression, it can also be used by authoritarian regimes to exert control over their populations. The thesis uses a research design that is exploratory, descriptive, and analytical, with qualitative research methods such as interviews, to provide a more nuanced understanding of Internet censorship and gender differences in Internet usage. The research aims to contribute to a better understanding of the potential for online activism and free expression in the context of authoritarianism, and the thesis addresses the main research question: How has the Internet become a tool for control in authoritarian regimes? Overall, the thesis intends to provide insights into the complex landscape of Internet rights and censorship in Egypt and Tunisia and to inform policy and practice aimed at promoting Internet freedom and gender equality in the region

Electronic Literature and the Effects of Cyberspace on the Body

In their article Electronic Literature and the Effects of Cyberspace on the Body Maya Zalbidea and Xiana Sotelo discuss how new technologies are facilitating the emancipation of subjugated subjects aimed at transforming unequal social relations through an intersectional and performative approach. This perspective is discussed through the exploration of the so-called intersectional approach described by Berger and Guidroz, Haraway\u27s situated knowledges, and Butler\u27s performative agency based on transgressions. Framed within the posthuman, post-biological deconstruction of social and cultural hierarchies, Zalbidea and Sotelo argue for the value of a conjuncture between postcolonial post-modern/post-structuralist literature and the field of feminist cultural studies. Based on previous theories of gender and bodies in cyberspace, Zalbidea and Sotelo develop ideas about bodies, gender, and anxieties, and how these theories may be illustrated metaphorically in electronic literature and new media art works

Coming Full Circle with Boyd\u27s OODA Loop Ideas: An Analysis of Innovation Diffusion and Evolution

The Observe-Orient-Decide-Act (OODA) Loop ideas of Air Force Colonel John Boyd have impacted the Department of Defense (DoD), influenced military thought, paved the way for operational change, and helped to shape fighting doctrines. A wide variety of OODA Loop ideas and interpretations exist in the literature, but are unorganized and have not undergone holistic study to determine how Boyd\u27s ideas have spread or changed over time. As such, this research analyzed a quarter century (1976-2003) sample of the OODA Loop literature to examine the diffusion and evolution of OODA Loop ideas since Boyd\u27s original conceptualizations. This research used qualitative data analysis to examine OODA Loop ideas in light of innovation diffusion theory. Ideas from Boyd\u27s original OODA Loop theories were compared and contrasted with subsequent literature instances to assess diffusion and evolution of OODA Loop ideas in the DoD. This research concluded with a proposed conceptual framework for collectively considering OODA Loop ideas

Westover v. Idaho Counties Risk Management Program Clerk\u27s Record Dckt. 44722

https://digitalcommons.law.uidaho.edu/not_reported/5967/thumbnail.jp