The Phonetic and Phonological Effects of Moribundity

Structural change in a language are considered nearly inevitable consequences of language death (Campbell and Muntzel 1989; Wolfram 2002). The literature on sound change in endangered languages has focused on whether the changes are internally or externally motivated, and, therefore, the difference between categorical sound shifts and gradient phonetic effects has been overlooked (cf. Campbell and Muntzel 1989; Woolard 1989; Dorian 1993). In addition, this research has been largely impressionistic in nature, leaving subtle variation that is beyond the scope of narrow transcription out of the discussion (Schmidt 1985; Goodfellow 2005) This paper discusses sound change in Mono Lake Northern Paiute – an American Indian language spoken in California – through two instrumental experiments that investigate the difference between categorical changes in the phonological inventory and subphonemic variation within a category. The first experiment examines the maintenance of a three-way oral stop contrast in laryngeal setting across three generations of speakers. The results suggest that while the youngest generation of speakers generally patterns like the elder generations, there is an increase in the amount of variability in consonant production. Static palatography was employed for the second experiment to investigate a shift in place of articulation for the sibilant across two generations of speakers. The findings illustrate that the traditional palatalized retroflexed sibilant has been replaced by a fricative identical to American English /s/, causing interesting changes to a phonetically motivated allophonic pattern in the traditional form of the language. After considering the sound changes described in languages experiencing attrition, this paper concludes by arguing that sound change in obsolescing languages takes one of two predictable paths: approximation or transfer (terms originally applied to patterns of vowel mergers in Trudgill and Foxcroft (1978). Approximation, a type of change being experienced by the sounds examined in the first experiment, involves the expansion of phonological categories within the moribund language. Transfer, a type of substitution (e.g. Weinreich 1953; Thomason and Kaufman 1988), is exemplified by the second experiment where a dominant language phoneme replaces a similar sound in the obsolescing language. These types of changes, at least in their current state in Mono Lake Northern Paiute, do not cause neutralizations in the phonological system. This contradicts claims made by Andersen (1982), who argues that ultimate speakers of moribund languages fail to make phonological distinctions in the endangered language that are not supported by identical distinctions in the dominant language

Two Patterns of Reduplication in Washo

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The study of tone in languages with a quantity contrast

This paper deals with the study of tone in languages that additionally have a phonological contrastive of quantity, such as vowel length or stress. In such complex word-prosodic systems, tone and the quantity contrast(s) can be fully independent of one another, or they may interact. Both of these configurations are illustrated in this paper, and the phonetic pressures underlying the development of interactions are laid out. The paper pays particular attention to the challenge of investigating complex word-prosodic systems. Central to the approach advocated here is the combination of qualitative fieldwork data collection methods with instrumental analysis. *This paper is in the series How to Study a Tone Language, edited by Steven Bird and Larry HymanNational Foreign Language Resource Cente

Language. An introduction to the study of speech

Mode of access: Internet

Archival Phonetics & Prosodic Typology in Sixteen Australian Languages

In naturalistic speech, the phonetic instantiation of phonological categories is often highly variable. Speakers have been observed to converge on patterns of phonetic variation that are consistent within languages but variable cross-linguistically for the same phonological phenomenon. Speakers are evidently sensitive to these sorts of patterns and learn the phonetic variation in a consistent way. Furthermore, the systematicity of this variation suggests that these patterns should change over time systematically as well. Most Australian languages assign lexical stress consistently on the first syllable of the word, raising the question of how the phonetics of stress varies across languages with this phonologically stable pattern. This dissertation presents an investigation into structured variation of the acoustic correlates of stress and prosody in sixteen Indigenous languages of Australia that all have consistent initial stress placement, with a focus on the source(s) of variation in these factors cross-linguistically. Acoustic correlates of stress, despite the phonological uniformity present among these languages, show significant cross-linguistic variation, both in the presence or absence of a particular cue to stress, as well as the size of these effects. The phonological uniformity of stress assignment allows for a more controlled comparison of the acoustic correlates of stress across these languages, since the placement of stress marking remains constant. Acoustic correlates investigated are vowel duration, pre-tonic and post-tonic consonant duration, intensity, f0 (maximum and range), and vowel peripherality. These cues are identified using a series of mixed effects linear regression models. To identify the source(s) of variation in acoustic correlates to stress, the population genetics tool Analysis of Molecular Variance (AMOVA) is used. This is a statistical tool created for analysis of genetic variance that has been applied to cultural evolution topics such as music and folktales. This model finds significant variation across languages, as well as substantial intra-speaker variation, similarly to the findings for both biological and cultural evolution, but no significant intra-language variation across speakers. These results are also supported by the investigation of inter- and intra-language variation using regresssion modeling. Another population genetics measure, fixation index, is used to create a network model of language relationships based on the phonetic correlates of lexical stress. This network shows clear relationships between the Pama Nyungan languages in this sample, as well as some Gunwinyguan languages, supporting the claim that the phonetic cues to stress are stable within language families and change according to the principles of diachronic language change. Smaller groupings in this network also indicate some contact-induced change or areal effects in these phonetic markers. Phrasal prosody is also investigated in this dissertation, using a toolkit for automated phrasal contour clustering. For each language, f0 is measured at regular intervals across the word, which is used as input to a complete-linkage clustering algorithm to identify major categories of phrasal contours. Results of this sort of automatic clustering provide testable hypotheses about phrasal types in each language, while avoiding some common pitfalls of impressionistic analyses of prosodic phrases. As with the investigation into lexical stress, this sort of automated typological work serves as a crucial complement to more detailed language-specific studies for the creation of well-rounded and well-supported theories. The data used in this dissertation are narrative speech recordings sourced from language archives, collected in varying field settings. In processing these data I have created a large corpus of these recordings force aligned at the segment level and have worked out post-hoc methods for controlling noise and variation in field-collected audio to create a comparable set of language data. I include in the dissertation a lengthy discussion of these methods, with the aim of providing a practical toolkit for the use of archival materials to address novel phonetic questions, as well as to aid in the creation of language revitalization resources

Nearly Perfect: Notes on the Failures of Salvage Linguistics

This dissertation examines the salvage era of American linguistics (c.19101940) and its focus on the extraction of knowledges and cultural artifacts from Indigenous groups whose civilizations were believed in peril. Through close readings of historical archives and published materials, I imbricate the history of these scientific collection practices through the interpretive frames of Science & Technology Studies (STS), deconstructive criticism, and postcolonial theory. I centre the project on the career of linguist-anthropologist Edward Sapir, seizing upon his belief that linguistics was more nearly perfect than other human sciencesthat linguistic methods were more akin to those of the natural sciences or formal mathematics. I employ Sapir as the chief focalizer of my work to map the changing topography of the language sciences in North America over these pivotal decades of disciplinary formation. Failure, here, offers a heuristic device to interrogate the linear logics of science and success which buttress that desire for perfection. Both conceptually and historically, the dialectics of failure and success throw into relief the vicissitudes of fieldwork, the uncertainty of patronage relationships, and the untenable promise of salvage that characterized these years. Through this approach, I present linguistics instead as a kairotic sciencefrom the Greek kairos, suggesting opportunitynot perfect, but situated vividly in the world, bound by space, identity, and time. I examine how linguists conducted their collection work through the extension of a scientific network (Chapter 1), their construction of a scientific identity to the gradual exclusion of amateurs and the reduction of informant contributions (Chapter 2), and the development of an experimental system within the temporalities of fieldwork (Chapter 3). My dissertation hence invites a critical intervention within the history linguistics to re-encounter the sciences disregarded past and re-think its shared responsibility toward Indigenous communities in the present

Animacy effects in inflectional morphology: a typological survey

600 p.This dissertation aims at providing a monograph devoted exclusively to the effects of animacy in inflectional morphology. In order to carry out this work, on the one hand, some methodological decisions about sampling and data collection have been made and, on the other, based on an extensive literature review, a theoretical definition of animacy, its behavior and scope has been sought.Thereafter, a descriptive and comparative crosslinguistic typology of animacy effects in inflectional morphology has been carried out, based on data from more than 350 languages all over the world. This work focuses on three main aspects: The morphological (and phonological) techniques that are crosslinguistically employed to encode animacy, the grammatical categories that can be affected by animacy, and the grammatical features whose realization is sensitive to animacy-based distinctions