A Polynomial-Time Algorithm for the Lambek Calculus with Brackets of Bounded Order

Lambek calculus is a logical foundation of categorial grammar, a linguistic paradigm of grammar as logic and parsing as deduction. Pentus (2010) gave a polynomial-time algorithm for determining provability of bounded depth formulas in L*, the Lambek calculus with empty antecedents allowed. Pentus\u27 algorithm is based on tabularisation of proof nets. Lambek calculus with brackets is a conservative extension of Lambek calculus with bracket modalities, suitable for the modeling of syntactical domains. In this paper we give an algorithm for provability in Lb*, the Lambek calculus with brackets allowing empty antecedents. Our algorithm runs in polynomial time when both the formula depth and the bracket nesting depth are bounded. It combines a Pentus-style tabularisation of proof nets with an automata-theoretic treatment of bracketing

Learning categorial grammars

In 1967 E. M. Gold published a paper in which the language classes from the Chomsky-hierarchy were analyzed in terms of learnability, in the technical sense of identification in the limit. His results were mostly negative, and perhaps because of this his work had little impact on linguistics. In the early eighties there was renewed interest in the paradigm, mainly because of work by Angluin and Wright. Around the same time, Arikawa and his co-workers refined the paradigm by applying it to so-called Elementary Formal Systems. By making use of this approach Takeshi Shinohara was able to come up with an impressive result; any class of context-sensitive grammars with a bound on its number of rules is learnable. Some linguistically motivated work on learnability also appeared from this point on, most notably Wexler & Culicover 1980 and Kanazawa 1994. The latter investigates the learnability of various classes of categorial grammar, inspired by work by Buszkowski and Penn, and raises some interesting questions. We follow up on this work by exploring complexity issues relevant to learning these classes, answering an open question from Kanazawa 1994, and applying the same kind of approach to obtain (non)learnable classes of Combinatory Categorial Grammars, Tree Adjoining Grammars, Minimalist grammars, Generalized Quantifiers, and some variants of Lambek Grammars. We also discuss work on learning tree languages and its application to learning Dependency Grammars. Our main conclusions are: - formal learning theory is relevant to linguistics, - identification in the limit is feasible for non-trivial classes, - the `Shinohara approach' -i.e., placing a numerical bound on the complexity of a grammar- can lead to a learnable class, but this completely depends on the specific nature of the formalism and the notion of complexity. We give examples of natural classes of commonly used linguistic formalisms that resist this kind of approach, - learning is hard work. Our results indicate that learning even `simple' classes of languages requires a lot of computational effort, - dealing with structure (derivation-, dependency-) languages instead of string languages offers a useful and promising approach to learnabilty in a linguistic contex

Mathematical linguistics

but in fact this is still an early draft, version 0.56, August 1 2001. Please d