On Agent Communication in Large Groups

The problem is fundamental and natural, yet deep - to simulate the simplest possible form of communication that can occur within a large multi-agent system. It would be prohibitive to try and survey all of the research on communication in general so we must restrict our focus. We will devote our efforts to synthetic communication occurring within large groups. In particular, we would like to discover a model for communication that will serve as an abstract model, a prototype, for simulating communication within large groups of biological organisms

Proceedings, MSVSCC 2013

Proceedings of the 7th Annual Modeling, Simulation & Visualization Student Capstone Conference held on April 11, 2013 at VMASC in Suffolk, Virginia

Automated Service Negotiation Between Autonomous Computational Agents

PhDMulti-agent systems are a new computational approach for solving real world, dynamic and open system problems. Problems are conceptualized as a collection of decentralised autonomous agents that collaborate to reach the overall solution. Because of the agents autonomy, their limited rationality, and the distributed nature of most real world problems, the key issue in multi-agent system research is how to model interactions between agents. Negotiation models have emerged as suitable candidates to solve this interaction problem due to their decentralised nature, emphasis on mutual selection of an action, and the prevalence of negotiation in real social systems. The central problem addressed in this thesis is the design and engineering of a negotiation model for autonomous agents for sharing tasks and/or resources. To solve this problem a negotiation protocol and a set of deliberation mechanisms are presented which together coordinate the actions of a multiple agent system. In more detail, the negotiation protocol constrains the action selection problem solving of the agents through the use of normative rules of interaction. These rules temporally order, according to the agents' roles, communication utterances by specifying both who can say what, as well as when. Specifically, the presented protocol is a repeated, sequential model where offers are iteratively exchanged. Under this protocol, agents are assumed to be fully committed to their utterances and utterances are private between the two agents. The protocol is distributed, symmetric, supports bi and/or multi-agent negotiation as well as distributive and integrative negotiation. In addition to coordinating the agent interactions through normative rules, a set of mechanisms are presented that coordinate the deliberation process of the agents during the ongoing negotiation. Whereas the protocol normatively describes the orderings of actions, the mechanisms describe the possible set of agent strategies in using the protocol. These strategies are captured by a negotiation architecture that is composed of responsive and deliberative decision mechanisms. Decision making with the former mechanism is based on a linear combination of simple functions called tactics, which manipulate the utility of deals. The latter mechanisms are subdivided into trade-off and issue manipulation mechanisms. The trade-off mechanism generates offers that manipulate the value, rather than the overall utility, of the offer. The issue manipulation mechanism aims to increase the likelihood of an agreement by adding and removing issues into the negotiation set. When taken together, these mechanisms represent a continuum of possible decision making capabilities: ranging from behaviours that exhibit greater awareness of environmental resources and less to solution quality, to behaviours that attempt to acquire a given solution quality independently of the resource consumption. The protocol and mechanisms are empirically evaluated and have been applied to real world task distribution problems in the domains of business process management and telecommunication management. The main contribution and novelty of this research are: i) a domain independent computational model of negotiation that agents can use to support a wide variety of decision making strategies, ii) an empirical evaluation of the negotiation model for a given agent architecture in a number of different negotiation environments, and iii) the application of the developed model to a number of target domains. An increased strategy set is needed because the developed protocol is less restrictive and less constrained than the traditional ones, thus supporting development of strategic interaction models that belong more to open systems. Furthermore, because of the combination of the large number of environmental possibilities and the size of the set of possible strategies, the model has been empirically investigated to evaluate the success of strategies in different environments. These experiments have facilitated the development of general guidelines that can be used by designers interested in developing strategic negotiating agents. The developed model is grounded from the requirement considerations from both the business process management and telecommunication application domains. It has also been successfully applied to five other real world scenarios

Law embodied: re-imagining a material legal normativity

In this thesis I critique the modern tendency to construct the legal subject upon a sharp distinction between Reason and body and to ground the normative force of law on an ideal conception of Reason. The legal subject is thereby presented as a disembodied cogitans to the neglect of his corporeality. This disregards both the necessarily material aspect of the legal subject and the necessarily embodied aspect of legal action, and results in an inadequate account of how legal normativity is manifested in material reality. This thesis aims to construct a theory of material legal normativity by re-incorporating the body of the subject into legal action and presenting that as the proper locus of law’s normative force. Although I focus on the material body in favour of Reason or rationality as the locus of action, I do not dismiss the possibility of meaningful normative action which is free from determination by material forces. I aim to construct a theory of action which is both material and normative by navigating the opposition between ideal Reason and material determinism. I do this by proposing an alternative conception of normative action which draws together the mechanism of habit and the manner of interaction with the material world. This theory of normative action will then form the basis for an account of normative legal action which gives due weight to the embodied nature of the legal subject as the proper locus for the material manifestation of the normative force of law

Towards a new constitutionalism: developing global civic responsibility through participation in world constitutional deliberation

Confronted by major global problems, our 'foremost challenge', according to the 1995 report of the Commission on Global Governance, is to develop the vision of a better world - one more democratic, secure and sustainable. The report concludes with a call for 'a global civic ethic' - for commitment by all to a set of globally protective responsibilities. The thesis asks, what does this challenge imply? How to achieve an effective response? What provisions, in principle, ought to be instituted to meet the Commission's call? The call is a tall order: for a quantum leap from passive, rights-oriented, civic culture to one based on global responsibility. The thesis is not concerned with the probability of such shift occurring. The premise is that if we believe that the call ought to be met, that it commands an ethical response from all, we ought first to comprehend the ethical and practical complications, and second, seek to comply with them. The thesis is concerned with the first obligation. It requires an inquiry disciplined by moral reasoning and persistent focus on the long range, world future. It has led the thesis into somewhat underdeveloped terrains. The call to enact global civic responsibilities implicitly entreats us to recognise the validity and gentle power of Kant's categorical imperative, to unleash it from its remote, theoretical mountaintop and allow it to reign supreme as the preeminent, constitutional principle for personal and global governance. The thesis argues that this recognition will require, and result in , a new, education-led constitutionalism centred on civic integrity development. Logically derived from the Golden Rule, the categorical imperative and its universality and moral autonomy constraints are adopted by the inquiry, somewhat experimentally, as a methodological discipline. For it is argued that such discipline should be cultivated by the new, education-based constitutionalism. This requires persistent, uncompromising focus on the universal ought. Where ought leads, the inquiry follows, even when it invokes an apparently 'unrealistic' future beyond the margins of current educational and constitutional practice. The new constitutionalism appears vaguely outlined on the horizon, largely beyond political and educational experience. The thesis moves towards this horizon to consider grounding assumptions and transit impediments, with the goal, above all, to determine the more prominent, 'in principle' landmarks toward which the world's educational resources could be steered. The term constitution is minimally defined as a paramount, overarching strategy of mutual protection, not bound to current national constitutions, territories, and identities, nor to familiar constitution-making processes. Invoked by growing recognition of global interdependence and mutual risk, it stands for inclusive protection, ideally of, by and for 'We the People of the World'. The Commission's recommendation that people should deliberate on 'the vision of a better world' has been pursued by futurists since the 1960s. Their pioneering ventures are examined in chapter 2 and found contributive yet insufficient to meet the constitutional requirements implied by the Commission's challenge. Various conceptual and practical obstacles impede effective response to the challenge. These preoccupy much of chapter 2 and indeed the whole thesis. The new constitutionalism presupposes, as does prevailing national constitutionalism, that despite cultural differences, there are certain universal interests that all want protected. Most would want reliable protection against preventable mayhem, slaughter and environmental destruction. It is argued in chapter 3 that while the universalist assumption can reasonably withstand relativist scepticism, universal interests remain to be identified. Upon examination of notable identification procedures it is asked 'should this be left to social researchers'? Arguments are raised to suggest that, as a civic harm preventative measure, all people should be constitutionally required to identify these interests. Universal interests cannot be protected while people take no responsibility for their protection. Were the Commission's call for globally responsible civic culture taken seriously, what would this imply for world political economy? Chapter 4 undertakes an exercise in future-oriented normative inquiry to explore world constitutional implications in outline. Revealed on the horizon is a new economic game with new words: the priactive constitution. The exercise demonstrates the challenging nature of the substantive ethical agenda confronting deliberants of the new constitutionalism. What right does one have to participate in world constitutional deliberations and consider such agendas? Chapter 5 argues that one has a right, and a responsibility to do so. The arguments appeal to the democratic ideal, political legitimacy, the Golden Rule, the defence role of citizenship and the fact that each imposes the world constitutional order on all. But the participatory right and responsibility cannot be exercised without universally accessible constitutional fora, procedures and education. The theoretical ideals of deliberative democracy are summoned. The current technical feasibility of creating an Internet-based system of democratic deliberative provisions is illustrated in the Appendix. Even were such provisions made available, a key impediment to effective response to the Commission's call is that most work-committed adults are unlikely to volunteer substantial time for the learning engagement. Given the unacceptability of political coercion, chapter 6 considers the moral proposition that youngsters worldwide be submitted to the learning challenge in their years of compulsory education. The literature on moral justifications for compulsory education reveals considerable disagreement. These justifications seem anyhow unrelated to curriculum priorities that are actually imposed on captive audiences. As highlighted by the World Trade Centre attack, the world's people have little constitutional protection against deceptive doctrines conveyed in distant classrooms. A key problem for global governance is whether the world's teachers should not be constitutionally obligated to promote and exemplify globally protective responsibilities. Chapter 6 argues that universal compulsory education can be ethically justified for the protection of universal interests only when civic integrity development is maintained as the curriculum priority. This would develop global civic responsibilities in teachers and students through exercising their participation in world constitutional deliberation under the counterindoctrination constraints of the categorical imperative. It would entail deliberation on universal interests in view of global threats, alternative normative strategies to protect those interests, and public disclosure of normative commitments. Moreover, by tapping the real interests of students, adult literacy expectations, linguistic, moral, ecological and political, could be more readily met. But such educational strategy might not suffice to assure reliable enactment of civic responsibilities. It is argued that 'school' might need replacing or augmenting with environmentally rich learning settings that could enable chosen norms to be experienced and demonstrated. The thesis concludes that implementation of the new, education-centred constitutionalism implied by the Commission's call will first require an engaged response from educators. It is recommended that a global network be established linking key persons in schools and university faculties who will take responsibility for activating curriculum and community response to the Commission's call and, in the first instance, engage themselves in civic integrity development to acquire facilitator competencies

Dynamics of reciprocal regulation

Reciprocity pervades regulation more than meets the eye. This thesis examined how regulators’ forbearance gives regulatees a chance to reciprocate with reforms or compliance. Compliance with laws or regulations is a reciprocal response to legitimate regulation. Compliance can also be a response to the observed compliance of fellow citizens. This is one aspect of indirect reciprocity, a concept that was developed theoretically as a key to successful regulation in this thesis. Reciprocity is also indirectly exercised when stakeholders in a wide regulatory space impose costly sanctions on irresponsible corporations after observing their histories of defiance. How reciprocity emerges in regulation remains largely unexamined in the literature. Past analyses of the limits of reciprocity in regulation and responsive regulation have been flawed as they failed to consider a broad range of types of reciprocity. This thesis explored ways in which diverse types of reciprocity are harnessed in regulatory space and the effects they have on regulatory outcomes. As a theory-building project, this thesis sought to answer: How diverse are the types of reciprocity observed across a broad regulatory landscape? What are the dynamics by which reciprocity renders regulators as well as corporate and individual agents responsible? What systematic tools can redress the drawbacks immanent in some reciprocal relationships? Theoretically, I explored ancient as well as contemporary thinking on the value of reciprocity in promoting responsible behavior. Classical republicans such as Aristotle and Cicero understood reciprocity as a measure of good governance. They valued the claim that reciprocity sustains solidarity among citizens and bonds between the ruler and the ruled. Contemporary scholars have suggested that diverse types of reciprocity exist. Reciprocity sometimes conveys substantive principles or involves a strong intention to trigger costly sanctions. Reciprocity also takes place in dispersed populations or in an indirect fashion. This means that we can arrange regulation to promote responsiveness and responsibility not only from regulatory agencies but also from regulated agents and social stakeholders. Based on this theoretical underpinning, I elaborated on six reciprocal strategies that can be intentionally harnessed by agents involved in regulation to achieve their goals. Empirical case studies of Australian and South Korean prudential regulation illustrated how those strategies are deployed. Data were acquired primarily through interviews with frontline supervisors of Australian and Korean prudential regulators. Regulators actively harnessed different types of reciprocity in encounters with regulated agents. Regulators indirectly signaled responsiveness to regulated agents they had never encountered before; they passed on information regarding compliance attitudes to other colleagues highlighting their responsibility for their regulatory tasks. At their best, institutions maintained transparent inter-organizational structures so as to minimize arbitrariness at the regulatory frontline. Non-intrusive ways of nudging regulatee’s performance became a possibility. Two reciprocal strategies that were not fully supported in the data were projected in a discussion of recent Korean childcare regulatory reforms. The thesis mapped dynamics of reciprocal regulation in which agents directly and indirectly engaged with one another to engender the possibility of responsible regulatory governance. Overall, this thesis revealed that in the Internet age of networked governance, responsible and responsive regulation is more possible than critics believed when they worried about scarce state resources for face-to-face regulatory inspection. On the other hand, reciprocal regulation has the power to be a cause of domination as well as a remedy for it. Resources for a principled responsible and responsive regulation were found in Philip Selznick’s and Philip Pettit’s work

The structure of ownership and corporate governance: The case of Chinese listed companies

This thesis was submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy and awarded by Brunel University.Modern companies have made a great contribution to the development of the economy. However, the company is not a perfect organization - modern companies, particularly listed companies, suffer from agency problems, in the form of conflicts of interest between management and shareholders, majority shareholders and minority shareholders, and shareholders and other stakeholders. ' These agency problems form the core subject matter of the corporate governance debates that have attracted the attention of governments, international organizations, and scholars in the fields of economics, law, politics, management and other areas. The type of agency problem that arises is determined by the structure of share ownership. Where the structure of share ownership is concentrated, the agency problem takes the form of a conflict of interest between majority shareholders and minority shareholders, whereas where the structure of share ownership is dispersed the agency problem takes the form of a conflict between management and shareholders. The appropriate model of corporate governance follows from this. The structure of share ownership is concentrated in some countries or regions of the world and dispersed in others, depending on the economic, political, legal, historical and cultural circumstances. There is no single perfect model of corporate governance, but different models appropriate to different countries or regions, in the light of the structure of share ownership. The case of Chinese listed companies will be examined to illustrate the argument, and in particular to contrast it with the "law matters" and the "politics matters" theories. The major problem of corporate governance in Chinese listed companies is the agency problem characteristic of concentrated ownership, of a conflict between the majority shareholder and minority shareholders. The problem in China is compounded by the fact that the majority shareholder is in most cases the state. Although the structure of ownership is affected by many factors, such as the economy, politics, law, culture and history, today the main determinant of the development of the economy will be the change of the structure of share ownership from concentrated share ownership by the state to relatively dispersed ownership

Bombs unbuilt : power, ideas and institutions in international politics

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.Includes bibliographical references.Nuclear weapons are the most powerful weapons in human history, but contrary to virtually every prediction by scholars, relatively few states have acquired them. Why are there so few nuclear weapons states? What factors lead governments to reject and even renounce the ultimate weapon? What do the disconfirmed predictions of widespread proliferation tell us about contemporary theories of international relations? To answer these questions, this study tests 15 hypotheses based on core categories in international politics: power, resources, ideas, and institutions. The hypotheses on power suggest that a state's nuclear decisions are a function of its external threats and its place in the international system. They claim that the slow pace of proliferation can be explained by several factors: a lack of threat, bipolarity, security guarantees, and superpower pressure. The resource hypotheses emphasize material capability, i.e., whether a state has the money, scientific talent, or access to foreign technology required to develop nuclear weapons. Hypotheses on the role of ideas often focus on the beliefs held by decision makers. This study tests the influence of anti-nuclear norms on proliferation decision making. Institutional explanations highlight either domestic institutional arrangements (whether a state is democratic, whether it is liberalizing economically, its organizational politics) or international institutions like the nonproliferation regime. Many of the tests employ a data set consisting of 132 nuclear decisions and outcomes.(cont.) The data set is based on archival and interview material that documents nuclear decision making in two countries: Australia and Egypt. The test results suggest that the dominant explanations for nuclear decision making -- explanations based on power, resources, and norms -- fail to account for outcomes. By contrast, institutional explanations, especially those involving organizational politics and regimes, generate robust results. The findings have direct implications for broader theories of international relations, and in particular, for variants of Realism, where a number of scholars have used proliferation decisions as an explicit test of their theory. Overall, the findings point to the enduring and decisive importance of politics and institutions, even in circumstances where fundamental questions of security and national survival are at stake.by James Joseph Walsh.Ph.D