The Dynamic of Repression: The Global Impact of the Stalinist Model, 1944-1953

No abstract available. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i10.123 The Mongolian Journal of International Affairs; Number 10, 2003, Pages 120-15

Leninas kaip vaikas. Vizualinė propaganda ir pedagogika

My study aims to reveal the connections between visual propaganda and pedagogy during the Hungarian state-socialism by analyzing different variations of a single picture of Vladimir Lenin. The ideological indoctrination played an important role in the socialization of children, even teachers; thus, the communist power tried to create a new ceremonial-ritual order and a socialist identity. The following analyzed images (photos and paintings) show different functions and meanings; by reframing and transforming photographs and contexts, we can demonstrate how the viewers could have been manipulated. The starting photo comes from my studies (based upon the corpus of Hungarian pedagogical journals) published in 1970, showing a seemingly unconventional representation: Lenin as a child. Tyrimo tikslas – atskleisti vizualinės propagandos ir pedagogikos ryšį socializmo laikotarpiu Vengrijoje, analizuojant įvairius vienos Lenino nuotraukos pateikimo variantus. Idėjų indoktrinacija buvo labai svarbi to meto vaikų ir netgi mokytojų socializacijos procese, todėl komunistų valdžia bandė sukurti naujų ceremonijų ir ritualų tvarką bei socialistinę tapatybę. Straipsnyje analizuojami vaizdai (nuotraukos ir paveikslai) atskleidžia jų skirtingas funkcijas, reikšmes. Parodoma, kaip, keičiant ir transformuojant nuotraukas bei kontekstus, galėjo būti manipuliuojama tais, kam jie buvo skirti. Pirmoji nuotrauka, paimta iš mano tyrimų (juose buvo analizuojamas praėjusio šimtmečio aštunto dešimtmečio Vengrijos pedagogikos žurnalų turinys), rodo netradicinį Lenino kaip vaiko atvaizdą

Modelling Authoritarian Regimes

In the last few years, a body of ideas based on political economy theory has been built up by North and Weingast, Olson, Przeworski, and Acemoglu and Robinson. One theme that emerges from this literature concerns the transition to democracy: why would dominant elites give up oligarchic power? This paper addresses this question by considering a formal model of an authoritarian regime, and then examining three historical regimes: the Argentine Junta of 1976-1983; Francoist Spain ,1938-1975; the Soviet System ,1924-1991. We argue that these historical analyses suggest that party dictatorships are more institutionally durable than military or fascist ones.Democratic Transition, Authoritarian Regimes, Rational Choice Theory.

The personality cult of Stalin in Soviet posters, 1929-1953: archetypes, inventions and fabrications

Although the literature on Stalinist propaganda is enormous, there has been no dedicated study on the marketing of Stalin’s personality cult in posters during the Stalinist period. This thesis is an attempt to fill this lacuna. From 1929 till 1953, the retouched image of Iosif Stalin became a central symbol in Soviet propaganda across all artistic and cultural genres. Images of an omniscient Stalin appeared in the media of Socialist Realist painting, statuary, monumental architecture, friezes, banners, and posters. Stalin was lauded in poetry, theatre, film and song; oaths were sworn to him; thanksgiving ceremonies were held to honour him; and millions of Soviet soldiers in the Great Patriotic War ran into battle with his name on their lips. The ‘Stalin’ who was celebrated in propaganda bore but scant resemblance to the man Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili whose humble origins, criminal past, penchant for violent solutions and unprepossessing appearance made him an unlikely recipient of uncritical charismatic adulation. The Bolsheviks needed a wise, nurturing and authoritative figure to embody their revolutionary vision and to legitimate their hold on power. The persona of ‘Stalin’ arose through a process which involved both the deliberate manufacture of a charismatic leader through propaganda, and the wish-fulfilling projections by an unnerved, de-stabilised and largely uneducated, illiterate and superstitious population of a sage guide through troubled times. This leader would come to embody the sacred and archetypal qualities of the Father of the nation, the great Warrior and military strategist, the wise Teacher and the Saviour of the land. Stalin’s image in propaganda posters became a symbol of Bolshevik values and the personification of a revolutionary new type of society. Transforming a leader into a symbol which embodies an ideological vision is a key tactic in mobilising a population to identify as a cohesive whole, to strive for common goals and to behave in prescribed ways

The cult of the leader in the communist era: celebration of Mátyás Rákosi’s 60th birthday in Hungarian press

A cult of the leader was an element of the communist system in the Stalinist era. The symptom of that phenomenon was the celebration of the sixtieth birthday of Hungarian communist leader Mátyás Rákosi. The celebration and preparation were widely described in Hungarian press – one of the most important propaganda instrument – used by the communists to influence the society. The analysis of four daily papers indicates that regime’s aim was to strengthen the appropriate image of Rákosi. Furthermore, it was necessary to mobilize the workers to undertake birthday commitments to increase production and to execute the five-year plan. A huge number of press articles combined with their enthusiastic undertone were supposed to exert pressure on readers pushing them to enter a competition movement.Kult jednostki był elementem systemu komunistycznego w okresie stalinizmu. Przejawem tego zjawiska były obchody 60 urodzin węgierskiego przywódcy komunistycznego Mátyása Rákosiego. Uroczystość i przygotowania do niej zostały bardzo obszernie opisane w węgierskiej prasie. Była ona jednym z najważniejszych narzędzi propagandowych, dzięki któremu komuniści próbowali oddziaływać na społeczeństwo. Analiza treści czterech dzienników wskazuje, że celem władzy było ugruntowanie odpowiedniego wizerunku Rákosiego. Ponadto konieczne było zmobilizowanie robotników do podejmowania urodzinowych zobowiązań w celu zwiększenia produkcji i realizacji planu pięcioletniego. Duża liczba artykułów i ich entuzjastyczny charakter miały wywierać na czytelników presję, aby przyłączyli się do ruchu współzawodnictwa

Shitting medals: L.I. Brezhnev, the Great Patriotic War, and the failure of the personality cult, 1965-1982

This thesis explores the relationship between L.I. Brezhnev's cult of personality and the memory of the Second World War in the Soviet Union. By glorifying and falsifying Brezhnev's record of wartime service, his personality cult placed him within the myth of the Great Patriotic War, which had become the historical anchor of Soviet regime legitimacy. The General Secretary also used the memory of the war to bolster his other public personae, or hero roles. Brezhnev's war hero image, however, ultimately contributed to the failure of his personality cult. Becoming increasingly overblown, this persona invited ridicule that undermined Brezhnev's cult. The consequences of this failure, moreover, potentially reach beyond the 1970s and 1980s. The implosion of Brezhnev's cult undermined not only his legitimacy but, by encouraging the desacralization of the leadership, may also have gravely damaged the legitimacy of the Soviet regime as a whole

Which East is Red? The Maoist Presence in the Soviet Union and Soviet Bloc Europe 1956-1980

“Which East is Red?” is a study of the little-known “anti-revisionist” currents within the Soviet Bloc in the wake of the Sino-Soviet Split, particularly those which described themselves as Maoists. This study primarily concentrates on the Maoist wind that blew through the USSR and Eastern Europe during the 1960s, when the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China generated anti-revisionist storms around the globe. It also discusses the effects of the Cultural Revolution on diplomacy in the socialist Second World. Finally, this thesis challenges mainstream academic studies of Marxism and dissent in the Soviet Bloc, which presents a false dichotomy of dissidence within the region: a false dichotomy, that is, between those who embraced liberal democracy of the West versus the Kremlin’s official version of Marxism-Leninism. In short, a new historiography of dissident movements in the USSR and Eastern Europe during the Cold War must include the Maoist, communist opposition

Vaalikampanjointia idän ja lännen välillä : Suomi ja kylmä sota Urho Kekkosen presidentinvaalien vaalifilmeissä

This article examines political campaign films from the point of view of propaganda to explore how this idea fits into the context of a democratic Nordic nation. During the Cold War, Finland was governed by Urho Kekkonen as President for 25 years (1956–81). The authors look at Kekkonen’s campaign films to see how his public image was meticulously planned and systematically shaped to create an almost mythical figure. The political and media context in which these films were presented is also analysed to understand how Eastern and Western influences affected the content and style of persuasion in the films. As a result, they find a bricolage of propagandistic influences from both sides of the Iron Curtain.This article examines political campaign films from the point of view of propaganda to explore how this idea fits into the context of a democratic Nordic nation. During the Cold War, Finland was governed by Urho Kekkonen as President for 25 years (1956–81). The authors look at Kekkonen’s campaign films to see how his public image was meticulously planned and systematically shaped to create an almost mythical figure. The political and media context in which these films were presented is also analysed to understand how Eastern and Western influences affected the content and style of persuasion in the films. As a result, they find a bricolage of propagandistic influences from both sides of the Iron Curtain.Peer reviewe