An Integrated Framework for Treebanks and Multilayer Annotations

Treebank formats and associated software tools are proliferating rapidly, with little consideration for interoperability. We survey a wide variety of treebank structures and operations, and show how they can be mapped onto the annotation graph model, and leading to an integrated framework encompassing tree and non-tree annotations alike. This development opens up new possibilities for managing and exploiting multilayer annotations.Comment: 8 page

A prototype machine translation system between Turkmen and Turkish

In this work, we present a prototype system for translation of Turkmen texts into Turkish. Although machine translation (MT) is a very hard task, it is easier to implement a MT system between very close language pairs which have similar syntactic structure and word order. We implement a direct translation system between Turkmen and Turkish which performs a word-to-word transfer. We also use a Turkish Language Model to find the most probable Turkish sentence among all possible candidate translations generated by our system

Projecting Subjects in Spanish and English

The focus of this dissertation is syntactic movement and its relationship to surface semantics, morphology, and licensing relations in syntax, with an emphasis on Spanish and English. Chapter 2 argues that Herburger's (2000) Neo-Davidsonian approach to the semantics of focus, as syntactically implemented by Uriagereka (2005), allows for a unified treatment of new information focus and contrastive focus (focus movement to the left periphery and in situ focus) in Spanish. The diverse positions that the focused element can take in the sentence are claimed to be determined by contextual anchoring mechanisms of Raposo and Uriagereka (1995). This entails a remnant movement approach in cases of new information focus in Spanish (Ordóñez 2000). It is suggested that these processes take place covertly in English, contra Kayne (1998). Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 focus on the relationship between syntactic movement and surface semantics by looking at the syntax of preverbal subject in Spanish and English, respectively. According to Chomsky (2001, and subsequent work) and Uriagereka (2008) a.o., movement yields (at least) scopal and discourse-related properties. Movement to Spec,TP in so-called 'flexible word order' languages, like Spanish (contra Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou 1998, a.o.), and in so-called 'strict' word order languages, like English, provides the testing ground for this hypothesis. It is argued here that both Spanish and English show surface semantics effects correlating with movement into Spec,TP, in keeping with the idea that syntactic movement has an effect on semantics. Chapter 5 explores a number of challenges for the phase-based system dispensing with grammatically significant Spec,H relations. It is proposed here that under a mixed system adopting phases and Long Distance Agreement and, crucially, a Multiple Spell-Out system (Uriagereka 1999), conceptual arguments against Spec,H relations can be circumvented. This is shown to solve a number of problems that the phase-based framework faces

On past participle agreement in transitive clauses in French

This paper provides a Minimalist analysis of past participle agreement in French in transitive clauses. Our account posits that the head v of vP in such structures carries an (accusativeassigning) structural case feature which may apply (with or without concomitant agreement) to case-mark a clause-mate object, the subject of a defective complement clause, or an intermediate copy of a preposed subject in spec-CP. In structures where a goal is extracted from vP (e.g. via wh-movement) v also carries an edge feature, and may also carry a specificity feature and a set of (number and gender) agreement features. We show how these assumptions account for agreement of a participle with a preposed specific clausemate object or defective-clause subject, and for the absence of agreement with an embedded object, with the complement of an impersonal verb, and with the subject of an embedded (finite or nonfinite) CP complement. We also argue that the absence of agreement marking (in expected contexts) on the participles faitmade and laissélet in infinitive structures is essentially viral in nature. Finally, we claim that obligatory participle agreement with reflexive and reciprocal objects arises because the derivation of reflexives involves A-movement and concomitant agreement

External versus internal possessor structures and inalienability in Russian

This study deals with the choice between two external possessor structures in Russian: the possessive dative and the U + genitive PP. Is shows that this choice is primarily related to the thematic role of the possessor adjunct, which can vary with the same verb: the possessive dative presents it as a goal or as an experiencer, while the U-construction views it as a source or a location. Two general conclusions can be drawn from this study: - Russian views the possessive relation through its relationship with space. - Russian external possessor structures reflect two different delimitations of inalienable possession, one restricted to animate referents for the dative and one extended to a wide range of possessive relations including inanimate referents for the U-construction

Contrastive grammar : a theory and practice handbook

En consonancia con los lineamientos del programa vigente de Gramática Contrastiva, materia incluida en el programa de estudios del Traductorado de Inglés de la Facultad de Lenguas, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, el objetivo principal de Contrastive Grammar: A Theory and Practice Handbook es brindar a los estudiantes un manual que combine las gramáticas descriptivas del inglés y del español. No pretende ser una revisión completa de todas las diferencias lingüísticas existentes entre ambas lenguas: por el contrario, el objetivo del presente manual es combinar información teórica clave con prácticas variadas respecto de estructuras dispares que representan la fuente más frecuente de interferencia entre los dos sistemas.Fil: Gómez Calvillo, M. Natalia. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Lenguas; Argentina.Fil: Meehan, Patricia. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Lenguas; Argentina.Fil: Díaz, M. Josefina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Lenguas; Argentina.Fil: Rolfi, Laura. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Lenguas; Argentina

Variation in the syntax and semantics of predicative possession in Quechua

This paper employs comparative evidence from two closely-related Quechua languages to argue that predicative possession constructions do not always share a single underlying source crosslinguistically (contra Freeze 1992; and in support of Boneh & Sichel 2010; Levinson 2011). This Quechua case study is especially striking in that the constructions involved are superficially almost identical–the crucial differences between them emerge only when theoretically-informed fieldwork is carried out