Theory and Test on the Corporate Governance of Financial Cooperative Systems: Merger vs. Networks

This paper presents a study of the economic organization of systems of financial cooperatives (FC). The first part presents a theoretical framework rooted in principles of transaction cost economics (TCE) that seeks to explain empirical regularities observable in systems of FC worldwide. The second part is an empirical study that compares X-efficiency between members of the Quebec Desjardins movement (DM) and the United States Credit Union system (USCU), the first organized as a tight network of institutions and the second composed largely by independent institutions with few ties. The fundamental proposition is that networks, are a superior form of governance mechanism (over markets and mergers) for relatively wide and relevant ranges of contractual hazard and size of the institutions. Further, that networks provide substitute, hierarchy based, control mechanisms when size of the institution dilutes internal governance mechanisms, discouraging subgoal pursuits and expense preferences by agents, both occurring in large FC. The theory allows us to generate a set of testable hypothesis of which we highlight three: i) For small FC, differences in efficiency will be relatively small, if any. ii) Large institutions should display systematically lower efficiency than similar sized FC members of strategic networks. iii) Networks should display lower variance in the size as well as in performance indicators. Throughout, empirical results are consistent with our central theoretical proposition.Transaction cost economics, financial cooperatives, credit unions, networks, corporate governance, technical efficiency, X-efficiency

The Political Economy of Transnational Drug Trafficking: Criminal Rackets and State-Making in Modern Mexico

Far from embodying distinct social actors, the line separating the ‘police’ from the ‘criminal’ is historically fluid and at times very thin. Generated by the capitalisation of economic relations, waves of bandits and criminals have often been instrumental to advance the interests of their enabling economic and political elites by forming the security apparatuses (reliant on preying, delinquency and extortion) supporting the elites' hegemony. Mexicans, at multiple stages in the country's national history, have become well-acquainted with the blend of legality and illegality characterising the country’s security sector. Building from historical sociology, comparative studies and critical approaches to policing, this thesis argues that criminal activities (in particular contraband and drug trafficking) were important political economies supporting the development of the state security apparatus under the PRI regime in Mexico (1940s to 1990s). The thesis documents the paradoxical but regular input of criminal markets into the political economies of pacification, policing and state repression, taking place at crucial junctures in the history of the single-party state, and assisting the production of its particular socioeconomic order. This ‘instrumentalisation’ of transnational criminal markets connects with and replicates little-studied Cold War security dynamics whereby the reach of the U.S. security apparatus (global policing, paramilitarism, counterinsurgency, dirty wars, etc.) was expanded by tapping into criminal activity in host nations. Building from the Mexican experience, the thesis argues that state rackets in (transnational) crime generated political economies that, embedded into local processes, played a notable part in the making of capitalist modernity, liberal state making and empire. The thesis documents in particular the ancillary role of drug and contraband markets in the operation of the PRI’s central security bodies, the Dirección Federal de Seguridad and the Policía Judicial Federal. Drawing from multi-archival research and unprecedented testimonies by former law enforcement agents, the thesis provides a new framework to grasp the important role of criminal-police entanglements in the making of Mexican modernity.Conacyt, Cambridge Trust, CLAS, St. Catharine’s College, Cambridge Political Economy Society

Local Responses to Migrants with Precarious Legal Status: Negotiating Inclusive Practices in Cities Across Europe

Across Europe, an increasing number of cities have developed strategies to support migrants who are deemed ineligible for social benefits by national policies and thereby effectively deprived of basic social rights. In contrast to such restrictive national policies, cities often provide access to certain key services, such as health care, housing, education, and legal aid, and ensure safe reporting of crime. This paper introduces the concept of ›migrants with precarious legal status‹ to capture their common focal point: the support of persons who lack, or are vulnerable to the loss of, their legal status. Based on this concept, we review existing research on vertical and horizontal networks and governance arrangements that has tried to grasp municipal strategies toward migrants with precarious legal status. We propose to complement these approaches through a perspective that focuses on negotiations over precarity within municipalities and try to reveal the different and at times conflicting approaches of the various service providers toward migrants with precarious legal status within a municipal authority. By tying together these concepts, we argue for a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of the different interests and power dynamics at play when creating inclusive local practices for migrants with precarious legal status. Lokale Ansätze zur Unterstützung von Migrant*innen mit prekärem Aufenthaltsstatus – Aushandlung inklusiver Praktiken in europäischen Städten Immer mehr Städte in Europa entwickeln Strategien, um Migrant*innen zu unterstützen, die aufgrund nationaler Regelungen keinen Anspruch auf Sozialleistungen haben und damit effektiv grundlegender sozialer Rechte beraubt werden. In diesem Beitrag fassen wir verschiedene prekarisierte Gruppen – Drittstaatsangehörige ohne Aufenthaltsstatus, abgelehnte Asylbewerber* innen, arbeitslose EU Bürger*innen u.a. – als ›Migrant*innen mit prekärem Aufenthaltsstatus‹ zusammen, d.h. als Personen, die keinen gesicherten Aufenthaltsstatus haben oder vom Verlust dieses Status bedroht sind, wenn sie Dienstleistungen in Anspruch nehmen. Im Gegensatz zu den restriktiven nationalen Politiken bieten einige Städte diesen Personen z.T. Zugang zu wichtigen Dienstleistungen wie Gesundheitsfürsorge, Wohnraum, Bildung und Rechtsbeistand oder gewährleisten die sichere Anzeige von Straftaten. In unserem Beitrag betrachten wir bestehende Forschungsarbeiten zu kommunalen Strategien gegenüber Migrant*innen und den sie tragenden vertikalen und horizontalen Netzwerken und Governance-Arrangements. Wir schlagen vor, diese Ansätze durch eine Perspektive zu ergänzen, die sich auf die Verhandlungen über Prekarität innerhalb von Kommunen konzentriert und versucht, die unterschiedlichen und manchmal widersprüchlichen Ansätze innerhalb einer Stadt(verwaltung) zu erfassen. Indem wir diese Konzepte miteinander verknüpfen, plädieren wir für ein tieferes und umfassenderes Verständnis der verschiedenen Interessen und Machtdynamiken, die bei der Schaffung inklusiver lokaler Praktiken in Bezug auf Migrant*innen mit prekärem Aufenthaltsstatus im Spiel sind

'Dubai is a transit lounge': migration, belonging and national identity in Pakistani professionals in the UAE

The thesis is a study of migration and its links to belonging, class, national identity and recognition in United Arab Emirates (UAE) federation. It focuses on Pakistani migrants, especially Pakistani professionals in Dubai, which is the second largest Emirate of the UAE because of its territorial extension and economic production (Davidson, 2008a). It is not only an empirical study but also partly a conceptual and analytical treatise on migration in the GCC countries. By comparing the extant literature on migration in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and the findings of my own field research, I argue the need to move beyond concepts such as belonging despite exclusion (Vora, 2013), citizenship as belonging (Vora & Kock, 2015) and nationalism for nationals (Kock, 2015), which have dominated the literature on migration in this region, to better grasp that belonging, class and national identity are contested and situational. Dubai as a transit lounge is an expression used by one of my Pakistani participants to describe the dynamic nature of the city. But more than that, it was used to emphasize that foreign workers life in the emirate is characterized by temporariness. The UAE authorities have categorized people through the citizenship law (no. 17, 1972) in Emiratis and non-Emiratis by conceiving of them as two distinct categories. In my view, this might be interpreted as a fracture between two groups of individuals. In particular, non-Emiratis have been considered and represented in the literature as a monolithic group (Mahdavi, 2011), as disempowered individuals and, especially low-wage migrants, as victims of the market economy over which they cannot wield any control (Kathiravelu, 2016). The extant literature on migration in the GCC countries has portrayed the image of foreign communities in which the role of human agency in the migration experience is underestimated. Starting from the historical evolution of migration in the Arab Gulf region and the links with African and Asian countries, which have contributed towards shaping the ethnic diversity of the UAE and the GCC countries, my research focuses on the presence of Pakistani migrant professionals in Dubai in order to understand the development of migration in the Emirate; the role and importance of the Pakistan Association Dubai (PAD) in contributing towards determining belonging; and therefore how migration affects the Emirati national identity. This thesis challenges the extant literature on migration in the Arab Gulf region by questioning the dichotomy between nationals and non-nationals as two reciprocally-exclusive categories. Instead, it argues the need to look at inter and intra dynamics that take place in the field between the two groups in order to understand how their relations are constructed. It is thus important to consider social interactions between nationals and non-nationals because individuals occupy contradictory and multi-layered locations, spaces and social categories (Yuval-Davis, 2011; Anthias, 2015). This reasoning stems from my historical analysis of ethnic composition and social stratification in the Gulf port cities, especially Dubai, where the coexistence of different ethnic groups resulted from economic exchanges and intermarriages with people coming from African and Asian countries, which in turn contributed towards shaping the ethnic diversity of the region. For example, the construction of belonging cannot be grasped only by looking at non-nationals as an isolated category (Koch, 2015) but it has to be analysed and discussed in relation to others . As such, it is important to consider the role played by migrants and their ethno-national migrant associations in forging the discourse on the Emirati national identity. Migrants, through civic engagement and their participation in the Emirati public sphere, contribute towards strengthening Emirati national identity via their sense of belonging to the country and their agential capacity (e. g. migrant organizations)

¿Qué es la tecnopolítica? Esquema conceptual para entender la política en la era digital

En aquest article volem reconsiderar el terme tecnopolítica i veure què significa en la política democràtica dels nostres temps. Comencem indagant l’ús inicial del terme i com aquest s’ha anat transformant per mitjà de les diverses i contradictòries adaptacions de les TIC (tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació) en els òrgans de govern, les organitzacions civils i els moviments populars. En la literatura acadèmica es poden apreciar dues corrents principals. D’una banda, hi ha els estudis sobre la política millorada gràcies a internet (coneguda com a “administració electrònica”) i la Política 2.0, les quals fan referència a la facilitació de pràctiques existents, com la votació electrònica, les campanyes i les peticions per internet. I, d’altra banda, la segona corrent de la perspectiva de la influència d’internet se sustenta en la idea que les TIC són essencials per a l’organització d’una política transformadora i controvertida, la participació ciutadana i els processos deliberatius. Els estudis han utilitzat sovint, amb una o altra etiqueta, idees de la tecnopolítica en termes indefinits o imprecisos per descriure la influència de les tecnologies digitals en el seu àmbit d’investigació. Després de dur a terme una feina crítica de revisió i classificació dels conceptes principals emprats en la literatura per descriure actuacions polítiques basades en les TIC, interpretem un model conceptual de tecnopolítica orientat a dos desenvolupaments contrarotatoris: centralització versus descentralització. És un esquema format per les cinc dimensions context, escala i direcció, propòsit, sincronització i actors. Aclarirem aquests desenvolupaments i estructurarem els modes formals i informals de les pràctiques polítiques. N’explicarem les dimensions fent servir exemples reals per il·lustrar les característiques úniques de cada camp d’acció tecnopolítica i la dinàmica de poders que hi influeixen.In this article we seek to revisit what the term ‘technopolitical’ means for democratic politics in our age. We begin by tracing how the term was used and then transformed through various and conflicting adaptations of ICTs (Information and Communication Technologies) in governmental and civil organizations and grassroots movements. Two main streams can be distinguished in academic literature: studies about internet-enhanced politics (labelled as e- government) and politics 2.0 that imply the facilitation of existing practices such as e-voting, e-campaigning and e-petitioning. The second stream of the internet-enabled perspective builds on the idea that ICTs are essential for the organization of transformative, contentious politics, citizen participation and deliberative processes. Under a range of labels, studies have often used ideas of the technopolitical in an undefined or underspecified manner for describing the influence of digital technologies on their scope of investigation. After critically reviewing and categorizing the main concepts used in the literature to describe ICT-based political performances, we construct a conceptual model of technopolitics oriented at two contra-rotating developments: Centralization vs. Decentralization. Within a schema consisting of the five dimensions of context, scale and direction, purpose, synchronization and actors we will clarify these developments and structure informal and formal ways of political practices.  We explain the dimensions using real-world examples to illustrate the unique characteristics of each technopolitical action field and the power dynamics that influence them.                   En este artículo queremos reconsiderar el término "tecnopolítica" y ver qué significa en la política democrática de nuestros tiempos. Comenzamos indagando en el uso inicial del término y cómo se ha ido transformando mediante las distintas y contradictorias adaptaciones de las TIC (Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación) en los órganos de gobierno, las organizaciones civiles y los movimientos populares. En la literatura académica se pueden apreciar dos corrientes principales. Por un lado, están los estudios sobre la política mejorada gracias a Internet (conocida como "e-gobierno") y la Política 2.0, que apuntan a la facilitación de prácticas existentes como la votación electrónica y las campañas y peticiones en Internet. Y, por otro lado, la segunda corriente de la perspectiva de la influencia de Internet se sustenta en la idea de que las TIC son esenciales para la organización de una política transformadora y contenciosa, la participación ciudadana y los procesos deliberativos. Los estudios han usado a menudo, con una u otra etiqueta, ideas de la tecnopolítica en términos indefinidos o imprecisos para describir la influencia de las tecnologías digitales en su ámbito de investigación. Tras una labor crítica de revisión y clasificación de los principales conceptos empleados en la literatura para describir actuaciones políticas basadas en las TIC, interpretamos un modelo conceptual de tecnopolítica orientado a dos desarrollos contrarrotatorios: Centralización vs. descentralización. En un esquema formado por las cinco dimensiones contexto, escala y dirección, propósito, sincronización y actores, aclararemos estos desarrollos y estructuraremos los modos formales e informales de las prácticas políticas.  Explicamos las dimensiones utilizando ejemplos reales para ilustrar las características únicas de cada campo de acción tecnopolítica y la dinámica de poderes que influyen en ellos

Techno-Social Entanglements and Contested Urban Futures: Producing Space, Subjectivities, and Economies in the Digital City

With the rapid development of new digital technologies, cities are increasingly critical sites of techno-social experimentation and transformation. Through ‘smart city’ initiatives, city governments around the world are partnering with transnational technology firms to deeply integrate digital technologies—including extensive Internet of Things (IoT) sensing networks and increasingly complex infrastructures for data analytics—into everyday urban spaces. At the same time, emerging forms of digitally-mediated “platform capitalism,” represented by companies such as Airbnb and Uber, are dramatically disrupting existing economic, political and socio-spatial relations across urban contexts. In opposition to these trends, citizens’ initiatives in Barcelona, Spain are organizing around calls for “technological sovereignty,” radically rethinking existing models of urban development by claiming community control over emerging digital technologies. My ethnographic dissertation asks: Are emerging digital technologies inherently tools of technocratic governance, surveillance, and capital accumulation? Or how might they become loci for imagining and building alternative digital urban futures? I operationalize this question through three sub-questions focused on the production of alternative economies, urban space, and digital subjectivities, respectively, within the movement for technological sovereignty in Barcelona. These three sub-questions are the basis of the three articles attached as appendices. The first paper (Appendix A) explores the concept of technological sovereignty employed by activists in Barcelona, describing its basis in experiments with alternative arrangements of work and property, an ethics of care, and an engagement with municipal institutions. Reviewing existing literature on the politics of digital development in geography, I argue for the need to think beyond critiques of techno-capitalist development—and beyond binaries of techno-optimism and techno-pessimism. Analyses of ongoing processes of technological change in general, and smart cities in particular, too often present emerging digital technologies as silver-bullet solutions to a multitude of existing societal problems—making the world more connected, efficient, and sustainable, holding the promise to improve quality of life for millions of people. In contrast, more critical approaches highlight the ways such processes facilitate increased state and corporate surveillance, new forms of power and control, and new forms of exploitation and exclusion. Beyond such binaries, this paper argues for the need to imagine a multiplicity of possible social futures emergent in the entangled processes of urban and technological change. It explores the practices and discourses of the TS movement as a way to demonstrate how such alternatives might be brought about through grassroots organizing and collective experimentation. The second article (Appendix B) engages geographic literature on the automatic production of space—the way evolving assemblages of hardware, code, and data produce space with little to no direct human intervention—viewing it through the lens of philosopher Bernard Stiegler’s notion of proletarianization as the loss of knowledge. In contrast to this view of digital infrastructure, I describe the practices of Guifinet—neighborhood-based associations that build and maintain their own broadband internet infrastructure—focusing on the multiple forms of knowledge production and circulation on which the project is based. I present Guifinet as an example of amateur practices of de-proletarianization—as participants re-claim critical forms of knowledge about the processes (re)producing urban space. In doing so, I demonstrate the possibilities for digital infrastructures to create new spaces for democratic power based on alternative logics of techno-social organization. The third article (Appendix C) explores the question of digital subjectivity in the movement for technological sovereignty in Barcelona. I approach digital subjectivity as the way people understand their relationship to digital technology and processes of technological change, structured by discursively produced hierarchies of technological expertise that are intimately entangled in the reproduction of gender, race, class, age, and other axes of difference. The paper employs the work of Stiegler (1998) and Barad (2007) to explore the co-constitution of humanity and technics, and recognize the way material practices involving an array of human and nonhuman actors iteratively reproduce hierarchies of difference. Against the hegemonic subject positions of techno-capitalism, I explore the practices of technological sovereignty activists that challenge the discursive privileging and separation of “technical” knowledge from its social entanglements and produce a diversity of subjects enacting a being-toward alternative techno-social futures