Trends in Student Radicalization across University Campuses in Afghanistan

This study aims to examine the trends in student radicalization across eight university campuses in Afghanistan. We conclude from our survey of student and staff views and an analysis of the character of protests across campuses that the extent of student radicalization varies. In particular, we come to three noteworthy findings. First, most university students are more concerned over prospects of post-graduation follow-on careers than ideological ambition. Second, while we find that most students and lecturers denounce radical views and violence, a relatively more aggressive response to both the policies of the Afghan government and the armed international intervention exhibited by students from universities in Kabul, Qandahar and Nangarhar suggests differentiated patterns across university campuses, with these campuses suggestive of a stronger tendency toward radicalized views. Finally, as an institution, the university does not play a strong role in the radicalization of its students. Rather, a charged political climate and the readily available opportunity to mobilize quickly enable students to stand in protest rather easily. However, findings also suggest that it is this same easy access to mobilize in protest that seems to attract a number of external groups as evident by the black, white and green flags representative of al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and the militant wing of Hezb-e- Islami Hekmatyar. Moreover, it is these protests that seem to encourage polarization and consequential division on campus which increasingly resemble the practice of takfir. Referring to the practice of excommunication wherein one Muslim declares that another Muslim has abandoned Islam, takfir is in direct competition with the more tolerant teachings common to the characteristically liberal curriculum of public universities. While protest in and of itself is a characteristic common to progressive democracies, evidence suggests that some student protests do call for division along sectarian lines or the suppression of women’s rights, both of which stand in contradiction to democratic principles and pose a threat to stability. With more than sixty-three percent of the Afghan population under the age of twenty-four, left unchecked such influence has the likelihood and potential to expand with substantial consequences for development and security in Afghanistan. As Afghanistan moves into a new phase of its era of state-building, a special focus on meeting the needs of its youth and in particular of Afghan university students is indispensable in meeting and maintaining lasting stability and prosperity. This study is the first part of an ongoing series of papers dedicated to examining the trends in radicalization across the various sectors throughout Afghanistan. Launched in late 2013, we plan follow-on studies to complement the series, including examinations of the trends in radicalization in madrassas across Afghanistan and within the Afghan security forces

Resilience Discourse: A Critical Study of Nigeria’s Incumbent and Opposition Political Campaign Speeches

Considering the challenges associated with visibility and intraparty disputes which confronted different categories of political parties during Nigeria’s 2019 electoral process, this paper examines the discursive means through which political actors expressed resilience in their struggle for power. Using a Critical Discourse Analysis approach, the paper investigates candidates’/parties’ expression of their abilities to cope, regain control and reduce vulnerability during the campaigns. The All-Progressives Congress Party, People’s Democratic Party and Allied Congress Party of Nigeria were selected for the study because they represented incumbency, main opposition and the third force parties respectively during the campaigns. Data comprising twenty-three election campaign speeches were purposively selected from some Nigeria’s media websites. Findings show that political actors deployed strategies of argumentation, categorization and criminalisation among others to (re)gain control and to minimise vulnerability during the campaigns. In addition, the research reveals Nigerian political actors’ predilection for character assassination of Others as a means of survival in the nation’s political arena. The results have implications for Nigeria’s power politics and, in addition, raise concerns for voters’ education and sustenance of democracy in the countr

The Web of Corruption:A Tardean Analysis of the Shifting Constructions of the Elios Scandal in the Hungarian Online News Media

Although corruption portrayals within the news media have become a regularly analysed topic in Organisation and Management Studies, the construction of scandals within the online realm is still under-researched. Organisational scholars call for studies to analyse corruption in online media due to the highly participatory sense- making processes that distinguish this context from traditional press. Analysing scandalisation online is important because interactions in this realm define and curb corruption.This thesis responds to these points by exploring the co-production of corruption scandals within online news articles as occurring through narrative developments and hyperlink relations. To address the processual and participatory aspects of online corruption scandalisation, it engages with the theories of Gabriel Tarde. Particularly, the Tardean lens allows this thesis to analyse articles with their embedded hyperlinks as sense-making crossroads of information flows that accumulate into the rhythmical meanderings of scandal narratives.Empirically, the thesis focuses on the Hungarian organisational and political Elios scandal. It investigates the articles of the news outlets of Origo and Index, and their hyperlinks. Thematic analysis is used for studying the textual data, and argumentation analysis for the hyperlink interactions.This results in the identification of three narrative-construction periods: (1) scandalisation, (2) anti-scandalisation and moderation, and (3) counter- scandalisation. The thesis shows that hyperlinks play an important role in these meaning constructions. On the one hand, hyperlinks represent online sense-making channels, leading to reliable and relevant sources. However, through the avoidance of hyperlinking opposing arguments, these contribute to one-sided, meaning- constructions. Furthermore, the thesis demonstrates how the corruption scandal is gradually diverted and replaced with the sensationalist counter-scandalising Soros- narrative that provokes social currents, such as Antisemitism. Overall, this thesis contributes to the literature on corruption within the media by illustrating how hyperlinks and gradual narrative-developments are strategically used to shape the meaning-constructions around scandals

Aproximación argumentativa al “framing”: enmarcado, deliberación y acción en un conflicto ambiental

This paper proposes a new theorization of the concept of “framing”, in which argumentation has a central role. When decision-making is involved, to frame an issue is to offer the audience a salient and thus potentially overriding premise in a deliberative process that can ground decision and action. The analysis focuses on the Roşia Montană case, a conflict over policy that developed over the years into an environmental social movement and, in September 2013, culminated in the most significant public protests in Romania since the 1989 Revolution. Starting from Entman’s understanding of framing as “selection and salience”, several framing strategies are identified and discussed, illustrating three main mechanisms. The way in which “selection and salience” operates via a range of argument schemes in a deliberative, decision-making process, in order to produce framing effects (including, possibly, collective mobilization) is illustrated with examples from the 2013 campaign and protests (slogans, websites, blogs and newspaper articles).El presente artículo propone una nueva teorización del concepto de framing o marco, en el cual la argumentación cumple un papel fundamental. Cuando hablamos de tomar decisiones, enmarcar un asunto implica ofrecer a la audiencia una premisa destacada y, por ende, posiblemente primordial en un proceso deliberativo que permite fundamentar tanta la decisión como la acción. El análisis se centra en el caso de Roşia Montană, una controversia sobre políticas públicas que, con el correr de los años, se transformó en un movimiento socioambiental y que, en el mes de septiembre de 2013, culminó en las protestas más importantes que se vivieron en Rumania desde la Revolución de 1989. Partiendo del concepto de framing que Entman entiende como “selección y énfasis”, se identifican y comentan varias estrategias de enmarcado que ilustran tres mecanismos principales. La manera en que operan la “selección y el énfasis” a través de una serie de esquemas de argumentos dentro de un proceso de decisión deliberativo para producir efectos de enmarcado (incluida, posiblemente, la movilización colectiva) se ilustra con ejemplos de la campaña y las protestas de 2013 (eslóganes, sitios web, blogs y notas periodísticas)

Counting Complexity for Reasoning in Abstract Argumentation

In this paper, we consider counting and projected model counting of extensions in abstract argumentation for various semantics. When asking for projected counts we are interested in counting the number of extensions of a given argumentation framework while multiple extensions that are identical when restricted to the projected arguments count as only one projected extension. We establish classical complexity results and parameterized complexity results when the problems are parameterized by treewidth of the undirected argumentation graph. To obtain upper bounds for counting projected extensions, we introduce novel algorithms that exploit small treewidth of the undirected argumentation graph of the input instance by dynamic programming (DP). Our algorithms run in time double or triple exponential in the treewidth depending on the considered semantics. Finally, we take the exponential time hypothesis (ETH) into account and establish lower bounds of bounded treewidth algorithms for counting extensions and projected extension.Comment: Extended version of a paper published at AAAI-1

The digital transformation of Siemens

In order to stay both competitive and profitable it is essential for companies to adapt to the continuous changes in the environment and to adjust the firm’s strategy accordingly. Through-out the years, scholars have investigated the importance of strategic change as well as the im-pact that leadership can have on strategic change and thus firm performance. Additionally, the dynamic capabilities view that addresses the question of how firms can achieve and sustain competitive advantage in rapidly changing environments has gained increasing attention in re-cent years. To demonstrate a real-life example of these theories, I developed a teaching case about the restructuring of Siemens. The case intends to demonstrate a strategic transformation of a major company in response to environmental changes, coming along with a new CEO. Joe Kaeser fundamentally reorganized the company and used in particular the digitalization trend to suc-cessfully boost performance and restore success after a series of setbacks under the leadership of Siemens’ former CEO, Peter Loescher. The case clearly illustrates the importance of Sie-mens’ dynamic capabilities for the transformation of the company and shows how especially the background and personality of the respective CEOs, Loescher first and then Kaeser, affected strategic change and, consequently, Siemens’ performance.De forma a permanecerem competitivas e lucrativas, é essencial que as empresas se adaptem às mudanças contínuas no ambiente externo e ajustem a sua estratégia em conformidade. Ao longo dos anos, vários autores investigaram a importância da mudança estratégica, bem como o impacto que a liderança pode ter na mudança estratégica e, portanto, no desempenho da empresa. Além disso, a framework das dynamic capabilities, que aborda a questão de como as empresas podem alcançar e sustentar uma vantagem competitiva em ambientes em rápida mudança, ganhou atenção crescente nos últimos anos. De forma a ilustrar com um exemplo real a aplicação dessas teorias, desenvolvi um caso de estudo sobre a reestruturação da Siemens. O caso demonstra a transformação estratégica de uma grande empresa em resposta a mudanças ambientais, ao mesmo tempo que é admitido um novo CEO. Joe Kaeser reorganizou profundamente a empresa e usou, em particular, a tendência da digitalização para melhorar a performance e restaurar o sucesso após uma série de contratempos sob a liderança do ex-CEO da Siemens, Peter Loescher. O caso ilustra claramente a importância das capacidades dinâmicas da Siemens para a transformação da empresa e mostra como, em particular, a experiência prévia e a personalidade dos respetivos CEOs, Loescher primeiro e depois Kaeser, afetaram a mudança estratégica e, consequentemente, o desempenho da Siemens

The pursuit of inevitable glory : representations of China in People’s Daily news articles

This thesis is focused on the representation of China in Chinese news media. The aim of the thesis is to investigate how China wished to be viewed by foreign audiences and how the image of China is attached to the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation. National rejuvenation is a political endeavor which encompasses China’s quest to redeem itself from past humiliations and to achieve complete national unity. The data for this thesis was gathered from People’s Daily Online which is a state-affiliated Chinese news media. The reason for choosing People’s Daily for the sourcing of data is because the state-controlled nature of the media allows the research to focus on the way that the state wishes for China to be viewed. The data is comprised of news articles, which were selected to include references to the discourses of national rejuvenation as well as the centenary of the Communist Party of China. The interest of this thesis was to answer questions of how are social actors represented in these news articles and what kind of ideology is behind this representation. The methodological base for the thesis comes from the Discourse-Historical Approach which is a branch under the umbrella of Critical Discourse Analysis. This approach allows for the analysis of data to be approached multi-methodologically, and the focus of the approach is on historicality. The focus on historicality allows the deeper delving into the narrative of national rejuvenation, because this narrative is defined through historical discourse. The theoretical base for the thesis comes from a variety of different social theories that explain the role of national rejuvenation and national image in the Chinese context. The representation of China in the data focuses on legitimizing the rule of the Communist Party of China. China, the Chinese people and the Party are positively qualified, and negative qualifications of Chinese social actors are not included in the data. The Party is discursively constructed for the articles to represent its role as the leader of the Chinese nation while Xi Jinping is discursively constructed as the leader of the Party through strategies that focus on creating an illusion of total acceptance of the Party’s and Xi’s authority. The dream of national rejuvenation is used to legitimize the rule of the Party. The future glory of national rejuvenation is qualified to be of much greater importance than the problems of China’s past. The Party is argued to be a necessary part of this quest for rejuvenation. The conclusion of the thesis is that China wishes to portray itself as peaceful but powerful. People’s Daily wishes to legitimize the rule of the Communist Party to foreign audiences and create an image of the Party as a benevolent social actor that benefits the Chinese nation and doesn’t wish to cause conflict in terms of international relations, although the data includes warnings for those who wish to involve themself in China’s territorial issues. The inevitability of national rejuvenation is exaggerated, which represents the confidence of China to achieve its goal of rejuvenation. The downside that the Party might face because of such confidence is that if political rhetorics focus so largely on being able to achieve rejuvenation, the legitimacy of the Party will suffer greatly if the goals are not achieve

Moral disengagement and the motivational gap in climate change

Although climate change jeopardizes the fundamental human rights of current as well as future people, current actions and ambitions to tackle it are inadequate. There are two prominent explanations for this motivational gap in the climate ethics literature. The first maintains that our conventional moral judgement system is not well equipped to identify a complex problem such as climate change as an important moral problem. The second explanation refers to people’s reluctance to change their behaviour and the temptation to shirk responsibility. We argue that both factors are at play in the motivational gap and that they are complemented by crucial moral psychological insights regarding moral disengagement, which enables emitters to dissociate self-condemnation from harmful conduct. In this way, emitters are able to maintain their profligate, consumptive lifestyle, even though this conflicts with their moral standards with respect to climate change. We provide some illustrations of how strategies of moral disengagement are deployed in climate change and discuss the relationship between the explanations for the motivational gap and moral disengagement. On the basis of this explanatory framework, we submit that there are three pathways to tackle the motivational gap and moral disengagement in climate change: making climate change more salient to emitters and affirming their self-efficacy; reconsidering the self-interested motives that necessitate moral disengagement; and tackling moral disengagement directly

Regional and European integration of the Western Balkans candidate countries The dynamics of two-level norm compliance

The European integration process in the Western Balkan candidate countries (WBCC) is characterised by a double discrepancy in the field of norm compliance. First, there is a gap between norm compliance at European and regional level. Second, there is a gap between the discourse and the behaviour of the elites of the WBCC. This double discrepancy occurs despite the use of the same socialisation tools at the European and regional level. This presents an interesting puzzle: why do similar socialisation tools produce different outcomes at both levels, European and regional? Conventional rational choice approaches, assuming that political elites are driven by a logic of consequences - cost benefit calculations related to conditionality - cannot fully explain this puzzle. It is essential to understand as well how the logic of appropriateness leads to different socialisation outcomes. For this reason, a constructivist approach imposes itself. It is against this theoretical background of rational choice and social constructivism that this dissertation seeks to answer the question why the political elites of the WBCC comply differently with European Union (EU) norms at the European and regional levels of integration. The research focuses on the rule of law (RoL) as the key norm in the EU. The central theoretical focus of this dissertation is on socialisation of elites in the WBCC and socialisation-led compliance. Constructivist perspectives on socialisation are complemented by elements of social psychology, in particular cognition. Socialisation, in the context of the EU accession process, is approached through the central concept of argumentative persuasion. While it is expected that norm compliance is the expected outcome of socialisation of elites through argumentative persuasion, this is found to vary strongly between the European and the regional level, as well as, between the discursive and behavioural sphere. This results in two different dynamics of integration. The process of argumentative persuasion and the diverging norm compliance are analysed at the regional level through the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) and at the European level through the Stabilisation and Association Council/Intergovernmental Conference (SAC/IGC), with a specific focus on the sectoral fields of fighting corruption and organised crime. Driven by its constructivist approach, the dissertation seeks to trace the divergences in socialisation-led compliance at the European and regional level and to detect the reasons for diverging socialisation through the construction of images of integration by the WBCC elites. As language is key to this research, the methodology draws primarily on the analysis of official documents and discourse. Qualitative discourse analysis (QDA) is used to analyse official EU and RCC documents to find out how RoL norms are promoted, how argumentative persuasion gets form and how this reflects interaction between EU and WBCC elites. Political discourse analysis (PDA) is used to analyse the discourse of WBCC elites to find out how they construct understanding of integration and arguments about RoL compliance. As a third main method, case studies are used of socialisation and norm compliance in the RCC and SAC/IGC, allowing to distinguish between regional and European levels. These methods are further complemented by a range of semi-structured interviews of privileged witnesses to explore understandings of compliance and motivation and to corroborate findings. Finally, the analysis makes use of the methodology of the European Commission as a point of reference for the evaluation of norm compliance of the WBCC, more specifically the five-point tier scale in the regular progress reports on candidate member states. It is argued that the diverging socialisation outcomes at regional and European level result from the differentiated effectiveness of argumentative persuasion. The political elites are found to engage in shallow compliance as a result of internal (intersubjective) conflicts of material and ideational factors that motivate EU norm compliance differently on the level of regional as opposed to the level of European integration. They pay lip service to RoL norms, instrumentalising this norm in the absence of political will and/or capacity at the European level and politicising meaning making. This work contributes to the literature on Europeanisation through its focus on the dimension of socialisation-led compliance and the discursive construction of understandings of integration and RoL compliance. In doing so, it adds an innovative theoretical perspective to studies on EU enlargement. The double distinction between the European and regional levels of integration and discursive and behavioural dimensions adds new insights and a more nuanced understanding of the EU norm compliance dynamics in WBCC