A Study on triggers that lead to student protests and violent behaviours at the University of Kwazulu-Natal.

Masters Degree. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban.Violent protest, results in the economy losing billions. The loss takes the form of anxiety, physical destruction and injury to persons disturbed by discontent. University student protest is a global phenomenon. South African universities are no exception and have had to temporarily close at times due to unrest. The Higher Education Sector of South African society is a key contributor to this annual loss in the economy. The University of KwaZulu Natal (UKZN) has been plagued by unrest resulting in a shutdown of the academic programme. The furtive factors that influence the eruption of violent protests, and the resultant implications thereof continue to mystify researchers. As a result, the study has chosen to focus on the initiates that lead to violent student protests at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN). Despite South Africa’s progressive constitutions, challenges with how protests are handled remains a concern. Although students are the centre of higher education institutions, researchers have failed to capitalise on student perspectives of academic and social development troubles. The aim of this study was to explore student experiences at a public university and to understand why violent behaviour occurs during student protests. A mixed methods approach was used. Qualitative methods were utilised for the interview process, in addition to a quantitative approach in order to understand key factors leading to violent protests. The dissatisfaction among university students was understood via the combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods. Data was gathered from 72 respondents. 108 questionnaires were distributed. A total of 92% of students and 8% of staff participated in the research. A key trigger in the decision by university students to engage in violent disruptive behaviour, is to have their needs met. Cognisance of early warnings and addressing grievances timeously could minimize violent behaviour in protest. These triggers could act as a dashboard to predict behaviours for responses to mitigate the risk of violent protest

From Victims to Victimizers: The Evolution of Modern Algerian Politics

This thesis explores the evolution of modern Algerian politics and the transition of the Algerian government from a colonized nation to a free state. In the second half of the 20th century Algeria was plagued with war and violence from both internal and external enemies. The Algerian War for Independence and the Algerian Civil War are frequently viewed as two separate conflicts with little or no ties yet after researching the two, one can draw a large number of parallels leading to the conclusion that the actions of the French in the War for Independence were strikingly similar to those of the Algerian administration in the 1990s. In addition, it can be claimed that the actions of the FLN in the 1950s greatly influenced the FIS policy of the 1990s. Finally, it could also be hypothesized that had the French pulled out of Algeria after the first year of the “Phony War” in 1955, the course of Algerian politics would have been altered significantly towards a more peaceful outcome. It is not solely the actors in the conflicts that remained similar, but tactics and events as well as political actions and propaganda transcended the thirty years between the conflicts. When finally given the chance to be a free nation, the FLN and Algerian administration knew of no other way to govern than that of its European predecessor while the FIS knew of no other way to express its discontent than through a violent revolution like that of the FLN. The victims of the War for Independence now became the victimizers, with a new organization garnering sympathy for their cause. After nearly fifty years of political liberation, the Algerians have created a cyclical pattern where violence and political success have become mutually exclusive and change must come at the cost of hundreds of thousands of lives

Protest Campaigns and Civil Wars

The presence of protests, sometimes during violent conflict and civil war, across the globe, seems to contradict the common view that civil war and protests are mutually exclusive episodes and do not belong to a continuum. Instead, peaceful – and less peaceful – protests can coincide with civil war and other forms of armed violence like civil war. This article reflects and questions the dominant understanding that violent conflict and protests are disconnected forms of conflict and contention. To achieve this aim, the chapter discusses how both phenomena have been explained and theorized. The document starts examining similarities and differences in the definition and understanding of civil war, on the one hand, and protests and protest campaigns (Chenoweth & Lewis, 2013) . Departing from the important work of T.R. Gurr (2011) and others (Skocpol, 1979; Tilly, 2006), on protest, rebellion and violent conflict in the process of state-building, this article research aims to reevaluate how protest campaings and civil war can relate t

'Alive after five' : constructing the neoliberal night in Newcastle upon Tyne.

The development of the ‘night-time economy’ in the UK through the 1990s has been associated with neoliberal urban governance. Academics have, however, begun to question the use and the scope of the concept ‘neoliberalism’. In this paper, I identify two common approaches to studying neoliberalism, one exploring neoliberalism as a series of policy networks, the other exploring neoliberalism as the governance of subjectivities. I argue that to understand the urban night, we need to explore both these senses of ‘neoliberalism’. As a case study, I take the ‘Alive After Five’ project, organised by the Business Improvement District in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which sought to extend shopping hours in order to encourage more people to use the city at night. Drawing from Actor-Network-Theory, I explore the planning, the translation, and the practice of this new project. In doing so, I explore the on-going nature and influence of neoliberal policy on the urban night in the UK

Crisis and Resistance in the Two Spains: an ethnographic study of the narratives, impact and limitations of protest in Madrid since 2011.

This thesis is concerned with the lasting impact of austerity policies on expressions and experiences of dissent. It draws on eighteen months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out in Madrid between 2016 and 2018, creating a new anthropological gauge for political resistance in the wake of crisis. The city of Madrid became, in 2011, a centre-stage for new waves of social movements, in which a wide cross-section of participants mobilised in protests against austerity measures in the midst of the Eurozone crisis. This thesis, removed temporally from the immediacy of these protests, evaluates their form and lasting impact in retrospect. It draws upon a wide sample of narratives and case studies to establish why and how resistance to pervasive economic practices has receded despite the enduring actuality of crisis experiences. While the public engagement of 2011 has shown some resonance on the Spanish electoral scene, readings of resistance as solidary and spontaneous have failed to translate into lasting resistant engagement for many local actors. This thesis broadens anthropological readings of resistance to include not only its active moments and members, but also the latency and sub-strata that make up much of its local reality. Through ethnographic analysis of activists, producers of activist content, and partially resistant audiences, this thesis posits that resistance to austerity in Madrid cannot be explained solely by neoliberal binaries. Rather, it draws upon aesthetic and narrative sub-texts, which local actors recognise and re-use to shape their own actions as resistant. I argue that local sub-texts of dissent are articulated along pre-existing socio-historic fractures in Spain, setting resistance in retrospective and disenchanted gazes which hinder its creative potential in the face of neoliberal oppression

PROTEST CAMPAIGNS AND CIVIL WARS CAN CONTINUOUS PROCESSES BE STUDIED WITH A ‘DISCRETE ’ THEORY?

The presence of protests, sometimes during violent conflict and civil war, across the globe, seems to contradict the common view that civil war and protests are mutually exclusive episodes and do not belong to a continuum. Instead, peaceful– and less peaceful – protests can coincide with civil war and other forms of armed violence like civil war. This article reflects and questions the dominant understanding that violent conflict and protests are disconnected forms of conflict and contention. To achieve this aim, the chapter discusses how both phenomena have been explained and theorized. The document starts examining similarities and differences in the definition and understanding of civil war, on the one hand, and protests and protest campaigns (Chenoweth & Lewis, 2013) . Departing from the important work of T.R. Gurr (2011) and others (Skocpol, 1979; Tilly, 2006), on protest, rebellion and violent conflict in the process of state-building, this article research aims to reevaluate how protest campaings and civil war can relate to each other over time. The document discusses under which conditions, processes such as protest campaigns escalate into a low intensity or high intensity civil war, and on the circumstances that define the de-escalation from civil wars protest campaigns. The article argues that in the aftermath of civil wars, protests are more likely to be observed in post-agreement scenarios. In addition, it argues that before civil wars, protests campaigns do take place, and where venues for negotiation with dissidents are closed and state capacity is weak and armed conflict is more likely

The Impact of Social and Digital Media on Traditional Agenda Setting Theory in Relation to The Arab Spring Revolutions

The growing complexity of modern communications leads to enhanced abilities for individuals to disseminate information to the public. Traditional definitions of mass communication theories must to evolve to consider new modes of communication. Engaged individuals using modern technologies become citizen journalists and informed opinion leaders, able to take over the agenda setting functions of traditional media sources, including gatekeeping and framing techniques. In times of conflict, individuals increasingly use social and digital media to inform the public, rather than relying on traditional news outlets, leading to the need to expand traditional definitions of agenda setting theory. This paper draws conclusions from the Arab Spring conflicts to show how the use of digital and social media has changed the traditional characterization of agenda setting theory, allowing individuals to gain the ability to influence the communication of salient issues to the public, as opposed to conventional media sources. To examine the how digital and social media use has influenced agenda setting theory, the prominence and relevance of key events occurring in the Arab Spring were analyzed to frame survey questions aimed at understanding the primary source of information for the public. A sample population of individuals who actively use both traditional and new media were surveyed to understand which modes of communication played a more key role in setting the agenda during the Arab Spring. This study provides insight into how digital and social media influenced the role of agenda setting during the Arab Spring, and thus how the traditional theory of agenda setting should expand to consider the rise of new modes of communication

Memorializing Conflict and Controversy: A Look Into the Kent State Memorials

May 4, 1970, marks a day in American history when the protests of the Vietnam War and the government of the United States erupted in violence. It was on this date that Ohio State National Guardsmen fired into a crowd of unarmed student protestors on the campus of Kent State University. In the span of thirteen seconds, nine students were wounded and four lay dead. The shootings sent waves of emotion throughout the country. In the decades following the May 4th shootings, a series of memorials have been created in remembrance of the tragedy. Through the use of oral histories, this project looks to create a cohesive look at the event itself and the memorialization process that has taken place on the campus. By examining the continuing evolution of the Kent State memorials, a better understanding can be made of how best to develop a space that can become not only a remembrance of an event but also a direct connection to lives of those involved

The Movement Action Plan: A Strategic Framework Describing The Eight Stages of Successful Social Movements

Social movements are collective actions in which the populace is alerted, educated, and mobilized, over years and decades, to challenge the powerholders and the whole society to redress social problems or grievances and restore critical social values. By involving the populace directly in the political process, social movements also foster the concept of government of, by, and for the people. The power of movements is directly proportional to the forcefulness with which the grassroots exert their discontent and demand change. The central issue of social movements, therefore, is the struggle between the movement and the powerholders to win the hearts (sympathies), minds (public opinion), and active support of the great majority of the populace, which ultimately holds the power to either preserve the status quo or create change