Random crossings in dependency trees

It has been hypothesized that the rather small number of crossings in real syntactic dependency trees is a side-effect of pressure for dependency length minimization. Here we answer a related important research question: what would be the expected number of crossings if the natural order of a sentence was lost and replaced by a random ordering? We show that this number depends only on the number of vertices of the dependency tree (the sentence length) and the second moment about zero of vertex degrees. The expected number of crossings is minimum for a star tree (crossings are impossible) and maximum for a linear tree (the number of crossings is of the order of the square of the sequence length).Comment: changes of format and language; some corrections in Appendix A; in press in Glottometric

Why do syntactic links not cross?

Here we study the arrangement of vertices of trees in a 1-dimensional Euclidean space when the Euclidean distance between linked vertices is minimized. We conclude that links are unlikely to cross when drawn over the vertex sequence. This finding suggests that the uncommonness of crossings in the trees specifying the syntactic structure of sentences could be a side-effect of minimizing the Euclidean distance between syntactically related words. As far as we know, nobody has provided a successful explanation of such a surprisingly universal feature of languages that was discovered in the 60s of the past century by Hays and Lecerf. On the one hand, support for the role of distance minimization in avoiding edge crossings comes from statistical studies showing that the Euclidean distance between syntactically linked words of real sentences is minimized or constrained to a small value. On the other hand, that distance is considered a measure of the cost of syntactic relationships in various frameworks. By cost, we mean the amount of computational resources needed by the brain. The absence of crossings in syntactic trees may be universal just because all human brains have limited resources.Peer ReviewedPostprint (author's final draft

Crossings as a side effect of dependency lengths

The syntactic structure of sentences exhibits a striking regularity: dependencies tend to not cross when drawn above the sentence. We investigate two competing explanations. The traditional hypothesis is that this trend arises from an independent principle of syntax that reduces crossings practically to zero. An alternative to this view is the hypothesis that crossings are a side effect of dependency lengths, i.e. sentences with shorter dependency lengths should tend to have fewer crossings. We are able to reject the traditional view in the majority of languages considered. The alternative hypothesis can lead to a more parsimonious theory of language.Comment: the discussion section has been expanded significantly; in press in Complexity (Wiley

The risks of mixing dependency lengths from sequences of different length

Mixing dependency lengths from sequences of different length is a common practice in language research. However, the empirical distribution of dependency lengths of sentences of the same length differs from that of sentences of varying length and the distribution of dependency lengths depends on sentence length for real sentences and also under the null hypothesis that dependencies connect vertices located in random positions of the sequence. This suggests that certain results, such as the distribution of syntactic dependency lengths mixing dependencies from sentences of varying length, could be a mere consequence of that mixing. Furthermore, differences in the global averages of dependency length (mixing lengths from sentences of varying length) for two different languages do not simply imply a priori that one language optimizes dependency lengths better than the other because those differences could be due to differences in the distribution of sentence lengths and other factors.Comment: Laguage and referencing has been improved; Eqs. 7, 11, B7 and B8 have been correcte

Weighted dependency graphs

The theory of dependency graphs is a powerful toolbox to prove asymptotic normality of sums of random variables. In this article, we introduce a more general notion of weighted dependency graphs and give normality criteria in this context. We also provide generic tools to prove that some weighted graph is a weighted dependency graph for a given family of random variables. To illustrate the power of the theory, we give applications to the following objects: uniform random pair partitions, the random graph model $G(n,M)$, uniform random permutations, the symmetric simple exclusion process and multilinear statistics on Markov chains. The application to random permutations gives a bivariate extension of a functional central limit theorem of Janson and Barbour. On Markov chains, we answer positively an open question of Bourdon and Vall\'ee on the asymptotic normality of subword counts in random texts generated by a Markovian source.Comment: 57 pages. Third version: minor modifications, after review proces

Beyond description. Comment on "Approaching human language with complex networks" by Cong & Liu

Comment on "Approaching human language with complex networks" by Cong & Li

Non-crossing dependencies: Least effort, not grammar

The use of null hypotheses (in a statistical sense) is common in hard sciences but not in theoretical linguistics. Here the null hypothesis that the low frequency of syntactic dependency crossings is expected by an arbitrary ordering of words is rejected. It is shown that this would require star dependency structures, which are both unrealistic and too restrictive. The hypothesis of the limited resources of the human brain is revisited. Stronger null hypotheses taking into account actual dependency lengths for the likelihood of crossings are presented. Those hypotheses suggests that crossings are likely to reduce when dependencies are shortened. A hypothesis based on pressure to reduce dependency lengths is more parsimonious than a principle of minimization of crossings or a grammatical ban that is totally dissociated from the general and non-linguistic principle of economy.Postprint (author's final draft

The sum of edge lengths in random linear arrangements

Spatial networks are networks where nodes are located in a space equipped with a metric. Typically, the space is two-dimensional and until recently and traditionally, the metric that was usually considered was the Euclidean distance. In spatial networks, the cost of a link depends on the edge length, i.e. the distance between the nodes that define the edge. Hypothesizing that there is pressure to reduce the length of the edges of a network requires a null model, e.g., a random layout of the vertices of the network. Here we investigate the properties of the distribution of the sum of edge lengths in random linear arrangement of vertices, that has many applications in different fields. A random linear arrangement consists of an ordering of the elements of the nodes of a network being all possible orderings equally likely. The distance between two vertices is one plus the number of intermediate vertices in the ordering. Compact formulae for the 1st and 2nd moments about zero as well as the variance of the sum of edge lengths are obtained for arbitrary graphs and trees. We also analyze the evolution of that variance in Erdos-Renyi graphs and its scaling in uniformly random trees. Various developments and applications for future research are suggested