A Glottometric Subgrouping of the Early Germanic Languages

Historical Glottometry, introduced by Alexandre François (2014), is a wave-based quantitative approach to language subgrouping that is used to calculate the overall strength of a linguistic subgroup using metrics that capture the contributions of linguistic innovations of various scopes to language diversification, in consideration of the reality of their distributions. It primarily achieves this by acknowledging the contribution of areal diffusion to language diversification, which has traditionally been overlooked in cladistic (tree-based) models. In this thesis, the development of the Germanic language family, from the breakup of Proto-Germanic to the latest period of the early attested daughter languages (namely Gothic, Old English, Old Norse and Old High German), is accounted for using Historical Glottometry. It is shown that this approach succeeds in accounting for several smaller, nontraditional subgroups of Germanic by accommodating the linguistic evidence unproblematically where a cladistic approach would fail

Save the trees

Skepticism regarding the tree model has a long tradition in historical linguistics. Although scholars have emphasized that the tree model and its long-standing counterpart, the wave theory, are not necessarily incompatible, the opinion that family trees are unrealistic and should be completely abandoned in the field of historical linguistics has always enjoyed a certain popularity. This skepticism has further increased with the advent of recently proposed techniques for data visualization which seem to confirm that we can study language history without trees. In this article, we show that the concrete arguments that have been brought up in favor of achronistic wave models do not hold. By comparing the phenomenon of incomplete lineage sorting in biology with processes in linguistics, we show that data which do not seem as though they can be explained using trees can indeed be explained without turning to diffusion as an explanation. At the same time, methodological limits in historical reconstruction might easily lead to an overestimation of regularity, which may in turn appear as conflicting patterns when the researcher is trying to reconstruct a coherent phylogeny. We illustrate how, in several instances, trees can benefit language comparison, although we also discuss their shortcomings in modeling mixed languages. While acknowledging that not all aspects of language history are tree-like, and that integrated models which capture both vertical and lateral language relations may depict language history more realistically than trees do, we conclude that all models claiming that vertical language relations can be completely ignored are essentially wrong: either they still tacitly draw upon family trees or they only provide a static display of data and thus fail to model temporal aspects of language history

On the classification of the Ng Yap dialects: some thoughts on the subgrouping of Sinitic languages

The Ng Yap (formerly Sze Yap) dialects are routinely considered a branch of the Yue subfamily. This paper seeks to demonstrate that, contrary to this widespread opinion, these dialects show a wide range of distinctive features which, for formal purposes of language/dialect classification, may warrant their separation from the Yue subfamily. This paper also discusses the criteria which are often at the basis of language subgrouping in the field of Chinese linguistics. Nevertheless, this work should be regarded only as an attempt of stimulating a further discussion into a topic which has been overlooked for far too long.Orlandi Giorgio.. On the classification of the Ng Yap dialects: some thoughts on the subgrouping of Sinitic languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 17, 1-2, 128. https://doi.org/10.31826/jlr-2019-171-212

Phylogenetic signal in phonotactics

Phylogenetic methods have broad potential in linguistics beyond tree inference. Here, we show how a phylogenetic approach opens the possibility of gaining historical insights from entirely new kinds of linguistic data – in this instance, statistical phonotactics. We extract phonotactic data from 112 Pama-Nyungan vocabularies and apply tests for phylogenetic signal, quantifying the degree to which the data reflect phylogenetic history. We test three datasets: (1) binary variables recording the presence or absence of biphones (two-segment sequences) in a lexicon (2) frequencies of transitions between segments, and (3) frequencies of transitions between natural sound classes. Australian languages have been characterized as having a high degree of phonotactic homogeneity. Nevertheless, we detect phylogenetic signal in all datasets. Phylogenetic signal is greater in finer-grained frequency data than in binary data, and greatest in natural-class-based data. These results demonstrate the viability of employing a new source of readily extractable data in historical and comparative linguistics.1. Introduction 1.1 Motivations 1.2 Phonotactics as a source of historical signal 2. Phylogenetic signal 3. Materials 3.1 Language sample 3.2 Wordlists 3.3 Reference phylogeny 4. Phylogenetic signal in binary phonotactic data 4.1 Results for binary phonotactic data 4.2 Robustness checks 5. Phylogenetic signal in continuous phonotactic data 5.1 Robustness checks 5.2 Forward transitions versus backward transitions 5.3 Normalization of character values 6. Phylogenetic signal in natural-class-based characters 6.1 Natural-class-based characters versus biphones 7. Discussion 7.1 Overall robustness 7.2 Limitations 8. Conclusio

The Bantu expansion

The Bantu Expansion stands for the concurrent dispersal of Bantu languages and Bantu-speaking people from an ancestral homeland situated in the Grassfields region in the borderland between current-day Nigeria and Cameroon. During their initial migration across most of Central, Eastern, and Southern Africa, which took place between approximately 5,000 and 1,500 years ago, Bantu speech communities not only introduced new languages in the areas where they immigrated but also new lifestyles, in which initially technological innovations such as pottery making and the use of large stone tools played an important role as did subsequently also farming and metallurgy. Wherever early Bantu speakers started to develop a sedentary way of life, they left an archaeologically visible culture. Once settled, Bantu-speaking newcomers strongly interacted with autochthonous hunter-gatherers, as is still visible in the gene pool and/or the languages of certain present-day Bantu speech communities. The driving forces behind what is the principal linguistic, cultural, and demographic process in Late Holocene Africa are still a matter of debate, but it is increasingly accepted that the climate-induced destruction of the rainforest in West Central Africa around 2,500 years ago gave a boost to the Bantu Expansion

Phylogenetic signal in phonotactics

Phylogenetic methods have broad potential in linguistics beyond tree inference. Here, we show how a phylogenetic approach opens the possibility of gaining historical insights from entirely new kinds of linguistic data--in this instance, statistical phonotactics. We extract phonotactic data from 111 Pama-Nyungan vocabularies and apply tests for phylogenetic signal, quantifying the degree to which the data reflect phylogenetic history. We test three datasets: (1) binary variables recording the presence or absence of biphones (two-segment sequences) in a lexicon (2) frequencies of transitions between segments, and (3) frequencies of transitions between natural sound classes. Australian languages have been characterized as having a high degree of phonotactic homogeneity. Nevertheless, we detect phylogenetic signal in all datasets. Phylogenetic signal is greater in finer-grained frequency data than in binary data, and greatest in natural-class-based data. These results demonstrate the viability of employing a new source of readily extractable data in historical and comparative linguistics.Comment: Main text: 32 pages, 17 figures, 1 table. Supplementary Information: 17 pages, 1 figure. Code and data available at http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3936353. This article is in review but not yet accepted for publication in a journa

Gènes et Langues : une longue histoire commune ?

Ce texte propose un point de vue critique sur la façon dont l’histoire des langues et l’histoire des populations humaines se sont construites en parallèle et en correspondance, depuis le début du XIXe s. jusqu’à nos jours. D’un point de vue méthodologique, les convergences sont nombreuses, les linguistes, aussi bien que les généticiens des populations utilisant les mêmes méthodes de distances, ou les mêmes approches cladistiques ou probabilistes de reconstruction phylogénétique. La validité et les limites des analogies entre évolution linguistique et génétique sont discutées à partir d’exemples tirés de la littérature récente. L’analyse critique se place selon un double point de vue : d’abord en examinant comment ces diverses méthodes sont appliquées par les phylogénéticiens aux données linguistiques, sous le regard suspicieux de certains linguistes et, ensuite, en considérant la façon dont les généticiens des populations intègrent certaines classifications linguistiques, souvent contestées par les linguistes, à leurs propres problématiques génétiques.This text is intended to review how the history of languages and the history of human populations were drawn in parallel and in correspondence, since the 19th century. From the methodological point of view, convergences are numerous, both linguists and population geneticists making use of the same distance methods and the same cladistic or probabilistic approaches. The validity and limits of this analogy between linguistic and genetic evolution of mankind are discussed from recent published examples. Critics are based alternately on how these methods are applied to the linguistic data by phylogeneticists, under the suspicious and critical look of some linguists, and on how the human population geneticists include linguistic classification, often much debated by linguists, within their own genetic concerns