379,599 research outputs found

    Arrests for Drug Offenses in Alaska: 2000-2011

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    This fact sheet presents data on arrests for drug offenses made by Alaska police agencies for the period 2000 through 2011. The report presents drug offense arrest information for both adults and juveniles for the 12-year period, including number of drug offense arrests, drug offense arrests as a percentage of all arrests, drug offense arrest rate, and drug offense types. Data is drawn from the annual Crime in Alaska report of the Alaska Department of Public Safety, which represents the State of Alaska's contribution to the FBI's Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) program.Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of JusticeThe frequency of arrests for drug offenses / Drug offense arrests, by offense type / Drug offense arrests, by type of drug / Summary / Note

    Arrests for Drug Offenses in Alaska: 2000–2011

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    REVISION NOTE: Following the publication of the fact sheet — “Arrests for Drug Offenses in Alaska: 2000-2012” — the Alaska Justice Statistical Analysis Center (AJSAC) was informed by the Alaska Department of Public Safety (DPS) that the UCR drug arrest data that had been published in Crime in Alaska (2012) — the source of data for this fact sheet — were incorrect due to incomplete data submissions for 2012. DPS has since made note of these data issues in the Crime in Alaska (2012) publication, available at: http://dps.alaska.gov/statewide/docs/UCR/UCR_2012.pdf. This fact sheet was revised following notification from Alaska Department of Public Safety of incomplete data reported for 2012 in Crime in Alaska. This notification precipitated the exclusion of 2012 data from the fact sheet. The title of this fact sheet has changed to reflect the change in data used.This fact sheet presents data for 2000–2011 on arrests for drug offenses made by Alaska police agencies. The report presents drug offense arrest information for both adults and juveniles for the 12-year period, including number of drug offense arrests, drug offense arrests as a percentage of all arrests, drug offense arrest rate, and drug offense types. Data is drawn from the annual Crime in Alaska report of the Alaska Department of Public Safety, which represents the State of Alaska's contribution to the FBI's Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) program.Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of JusticeNumber of arrests / Drug offense arrest rates / Drug offense arrests, by offense type / Drug offense arrests, by type of drug / Summary / Note

    Multiple Perpetrator Rape Committed by Female Offenders:A Comparison of Solo, Duo, and 3+ Group Offenders

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    Previous studies on multiple perpetrator rapes have shown that male sexual offenders who commit their offense alone differ on offender, offense, and victim characteristics from those who commit their offense in duos and 3+ groups. For the current study, 246 female sexual offenders have been studied regarding their co-offending pattern and the differences in offender, offense, and victim characteristics. Significant differences between solo (n = 73), duos (n = 146), and 3+ group offenders (n = 27) were found for the age at the first conviction, age at the time of the index offense, performed sexual acts, physical and verbal violence, victim gender, victim relationship, victim age, and location where the abuse took place. There were four indicators that could predict the assault type. Co-offenders were more likely than solo offenders to perform penetration on a female, intrafamilial victim who they assaulted indoors. These results have implications for interventions with offenders and criminal justice authorities

    A Note on the Optimal Punishment for Repeat Offenders

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    Agents may commit a crime twice. The act is inefficient so that the agents are to be deterred. The agents are wealth constrained so that increasing the fine for the first offense means a reduction in the sanction for the second offense and vice versa. The agents may follow history dependent strategies. The government seeks to minimize the probability of apprehension. The optimal sanction scheme is decreasing rather than increasing in the number of offenses. Indeed, the sanction for the first offense equals the entire wealth while the sanction for the second offense is zero.crime and punishment; repeat offenders

    Martinez Guzman v. Second Judicial Dist. Court, 136 Nev. Adv. Op. 12 (Mar. 26, 2020)

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    The Court clarified the ambiguity of the meaning “territorial jurisdiction,” a term of art found in NRS 172.105. The Court held that NRS 172.105 incorporates Nevada’s venue statutes and grants a grand jury the authority to “inquire into a [criminal] offense so long as the district court that empaneled the grand jury may appropriately adjudicate the defendant’s guilt for that particular offense.

    High Desert State Prison v. Sanchez, 135 Nev., Adv. Op. 68 (Dec. 26, 2019)

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    NRS § 209.4465 does not allow for good time served to be credited for those who commit child lewdness. The Court held that in order for a violation to be a continuous crime, the statute must be explicitly label the crime as continuous. Here, Respondent’s time served had been properly calculated by the district court because Respondent’s violation was codified as a one-time offense and occurred before the 2007 amendment to NRS § 209.4465. The language of the violated statutes define attempted lewdness with a child to be a one-time offense and not a continuous offense. Furthermore, the State’s assertion that the crime occurred between 2006-2013 is meritless because by definition an attempted crime is not a continuous crime. Thus, the 2007 amended version of NRS § 209.4465 that does not allow for good time served to be credited for those who commit child lewdness, is not applicable

    Search Profiling with Partial Knowledge of Deterrence

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    Economists studying public policy have generally assumed that the relevant social planner knows how policy affects population behavior. Planners typically do not possess all of this knowledge, so there is reason to consider policy formation with partial knowledge of policy impacts. Here I consider the choice of a profiling policy where decisions to search for evidence of crime may vary with observable covariates of the persons at risk of being searched. To begin I pose a planning problem whose objective is to minimize the utilitarian social cost of crime and search. The consequences of candidate search rules depends on the extent to which search deters crime. Deterrence is expressed through the offense function, which describes how the offense rate of persons with given covariates varies with the search rate applied to these persons. I study the planning problem when the planner has partial knowledge of the offense function. To demonstrate general ideas, I suppose that the planner observes the offense rates of a study population whose search rule has previously been chosen. He knows that the offense rate weakly decreases as the search rate increases, but he does not know the magnitude of the deterrent effect of search. In this setting, I first show how the planner can eliminate dominated search rules and then how he can use the minimax or minimax-regret criterion to choose an undominated search rule.

    Forced Prostitution: Naming an International Offense

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    This paper presents an argument for recognizing forced prostitution as an international offense in its own right for which the procurers, brothel owners and managers, and financiers as well as the women\u27s customers can be held criminally liable. While the international debate has attempted to characterize forced prostitution as slavery, the term slavery fails to evoke the images of all the violations that encompass forced prostitution. Were the United Nations and regional organizations to acknowledge and label forced prostitution as an international crime, their member states would be required to enact domestic legislation outlawing and criminalizing it as well as strictly enforcing those provisions. While forced prostitution could be prosecuted in most countries under a variety of statutes, the international community has not succeeded in its attempts to decrease the prevalence of the practice because it lacks a universal rallying point that would focus attention on the dismal practice
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