Not one of us is without bias : identifying and challenging racism and homophobia

This article reviews a teaching process that aimed to prepare final year social work students for critical practice with diverse and marginalized populations. Alongside lecture input, in small group discussions and in the two sequenced written assignments students were encouraged to personalize questions of bias and stigma by recalling both their experiences of being &ldquo;other-ed&rdquo; as well as their participation in practices that &ldquo;other-ed&rdquo;, such as racist and homophobic imaging and acting. Feedback to the unit&rsquo;s first iteration in 2004 was generally positive yet a significant minority of students were clearly dissatisfied. Whilst retaining the same formal content in 2005, greater attention was devoted to generating a supportive group process and a positive environment for &ldquo;negative&rdquo; self-disclosure. This milieu acted to contain and normalize the students&rsquo; struggle with internalized stereotypes, a stage associated with their greater preparedness to identify and challenge their own personal, cultural and ideological locations. Within the context of the unit remaining explicit about its value stance, by adopting an approach to the teaching / learning process that neither collided nor colluded, as teachers we believe the 2005 revision better achieved the units aims. First, the unit received broader positive appraisal from students and, second, it appeared that the unit more firmly promoted the prospects for students carrying forward a capacity for critical self review post graduation.<br /

"Without us the world does not move." Immigrant women in the Spanish work context

Con el presente estudio pretendemos conocer la perspectiva de las mujeres inmigrantes en el ámbito laboral, teniendo en cuenta los discursos de las propias protagonistas. El objetivo general de la investigación ha sido conocer las condiciones laborales de estas trabajadoras desde sus propias perspectivas. Realizamos cuatro grupos focales (latinoamericanas, europeas del este, marroquíes y africanas subsaharianas) con un total de 47 mujeres. El análisis de sus discursos muestra puntos en común por ser mujer, trabajadora e inmigrante, y algunas diferencias según su lugar de origen. Describimos contenidos sobre los antecedentes del proyecto migratorio, las condiciones de trabajo (pérdida de estatus y etnización laboral, inestabilidad, víctimas de descalificaciones) y los efectos de estas condiciones laborales (cinismo, aislamiento social, diferentes relaciones con los empleadores, resignación y sumisión). Las reflexiones a lo largo del texto dialogan con reflexiones de otros/as autores/as para enriquecer la visibilidad de las mujeres migrantes, a la vez diferentes, a la vez con muchos puntos comunes.The present study aimed to learn the perspective of immigrant women in the workplace, taking into account the speeches of the protagonists themselves. The overall objective was to find the job conditions from their own perspectives. We conducted four focus groups (Latin American, Eastern European, Moroccan and sub-Saharan Africa) with a total of 47 women. The analysis of their speeches shows points in common because they are women, workers and immigrants, and some differences according to their place of origin. We describe the background of the migration project, working conditions (loss of job status and ethnicization, instability, prejudice) and the effects of these working conditions (cynicism, social isolation, different relationships with employers, resignation and submission). The reflections in the text dialogue with thoughts of other authors to enhance the visibility of women migrants, different but with many common points

Deconstructing Section 11: Public Offering Liability in a Continuous Disclosure Environment

There can be no successful reform of the system of capital-raising regulation in the US without rethinking the liability regime. Reform is long overdue and can readily be accomplished in a way that does not unnecessarily compromise investor protection

Mennonite COs Under the Russian Tsars (1787-1917)

The story of Russian Mennonite conscientious objectors (hereafter COs) is probably not well-known. It is a very important story because it explains in large part how it is that we now are Canadians and not Russians, why we live where we do, and why this “objecting” feature is still a facet of our lives today. Without the events of that story, none of us would be here in Altona, Manitoba, Canada, this evening, and in all likelihood, not be what makes us tick. (This essay is a slightly revised talk given to the Altona History Seekers at Garden on Tenth on March 16, 2017

The Lessons of TPP and the Future of Labor Chapters in Trade Agreements

The agenda to link labor standards to trade agreements, in the hopes of improving working conditions in developing countries and preventing unfair labor competition for workers in rich countries, reached its culmination in TPP. Beginning with NAFTA and over a span of twenty-five years, labor standards became fully included in trade agreements and their violation subject to trade sanctions as means of enforcement. Thus, proponents of TPP offered it as the “gold standard” of globalization. This chapter argues that the debate about TPP, and the US labor movement’s opposition to it, made clear that this was not a story of success but of disenchantment. Unions in the US criticized TPP’s labor chapter for not going far enough, substantially and procedurally. But they also turned the focus to other chapters of TPP that may be just as or more important to workers in the US than the labor chapter: investment, rules of origin, procurement and currency manipulation. These areas have become the new frontier for labor advocates in trade agreements and they highlight the need to rebalance the treatment of capital and labor. The chapter argues that a significant, though overlooked achievement of TPP, was to encourage several TPP parties to enact domestic labor reforms using labor side agreements and US pressure. More than any ideal labor chapter, it was these domestic reforms that held the most promise for improving working conditions in Vietnam and Mexico. The US withdrawal of TPP has set those reforms back. Opposition to TPP has also made clear that the expected losses from trade in the form of job loss and wage decline will not be made palatable in the absence of effective safety nets and compensatory mechanisms at the domestic level. In fact, international trade reputation will continue to suffer and opposition to it harden without them. To the extent that the debate about TPP was a referendum about liberal globalization as we know it, opposition to TPP in the US has given a resounding no. A pressing question is whether there is an alternative to the nationalist retrenchment embraced by the Trump administration. The revival of TPP without the US, unfortunately, does not seem to chart a different path

The Lessons of TPP and the Future of Labor Chapters in Trade Agreements

The agenda to link labor standards to trade agreements, in the hopes of improving working conditions in developing countries and preventing unfair labor competition for workers in rich countries, reached its culmination in TPP. Beginning with NAFTA and over a span of twenty-five years, labor standards became fully included in trade agreements and their violation subject to trade sanctions as means of enforcement. Thus, proponents of TPP offered it as the “gold standard” of globalization. This chapter argues that the debate about TPP, and the US labor movement’s opposition to it, made clear that this was not a story of success but of disenchantment. Unions in the US criticized TPP’s labor chapter for not going far enough, substantially and procedurally. But they also turned the focus to other chapters of TPP that may be just as or more important to workers in the US than the labor chapter: investment, rules of origin, procurement and currency manipulation. These areas have become the new frontier for labor advocates in trade agreements and they highlight the need to rebalance the treatment of capital and labor. The chapter argues that a significant, though overlooked achievement of TPP, was to encourage several TPP parties to enact domestic labor reforms using labor side agreements and US pressure. More than any ideal labor chapter, it was these domestic reforms that held the most promise for improving working conditions in Vietnam and Mexico. The US withdrawal of TPP has set those reforms back. Opposition to TPP has also made clear that the expected losses from trade in the form of job loss and wage decline will not be made palatable in the absence of effective safety nets and compensatory mechanisms at the domestic level. In fact, international trade reputation will continue to suffer and opposition to it harden without them. To the extent that the debate about TPP was a referendum about liberal globalization as we know it, opposition to TPP in the US has given a resounding no. A pressing question is whether there is an alternative to the nationalist retrenchment embraced by the Trump administration. The revival of TPP without the US, unfortunately, does not seem to chart a different path

Evil, Freedom and Heaven

By far the most respected response by theists to the problem of evil is some version of the free will defense, which rests on the twin ideas that God could not create humans with free will without them committing evil acts, and that freedom is of such value that it is better that we have it than that we be perfect yet unfree. If we assume that the redeemed in heaven are impeccable, then the free will defense faces what I call the Heaven Dilemma: either the redeemed in heaven are free, in which case it is false that you cannot be free without doing evil, or they are not, in which case (heaven being better than earth) it is false that we are better off with freedom and evil than without either. James Sennett has tried to defend a view of freedom that effectively allows us to be impeccable in heaven so long as we are not on earth, while claiming that we are free in both. I argue that this view leads to a new dilemma: either there is no point to earth at all, and given its miseries, it is wrong for God to make us pass through it to get to heaven (especially if we face the risk of ending up in hell), or Sennett’s view consigns millions who die tragically young to an eternity of unfreedom

Originalism Without Text

Originalism is not about the text. Though the theory is often treated as a way to read the Constitution’s words, that conventional view is misleading. A society can be recognizably originalist without any words to interpret: without a written constitution, written statutes, or any writing at all. If texts aren’t fundamental to originalism, then originalism isn’t fundamentally about texts. Avoiding that error helps us see what originalism generally is about: namely, our present constitutional law, and its dependence on a crucial moment in the past

Schiller on Evil and the Emergence of Reason

Schiller was one of many early post-Kantians who wrestled with Kant’s doctrine of radical evil, a doctrine that continues to puzzle commentators today. Schiller’s own explanation of why we are prone to pursue happiness without restriction is, I argue, subtle and multilayered: it offers us a new genealogy of reflective agency, linking our tendency to egoism to the first emergence of reason within human beings. On the reading I defend, our drive for the absolute does not lead us directly to moral autonomy; rather, it misleads us to seek the absolute in the field of our own impulses and inclinations. However, since this detour is the result of cognitive error, it involves no willful subordination of the moral law to self-love, and so nothing that bears the guilt of evil