75,720 research outputs found

    Betting on Hitler: The value of political connections in Nazi Germany

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    This paper examines the value of connections between German industry and the Nazi movement in early 1933. Drawing on previously unused contemporary sources about management and supervisory board composition and stock returns, we find that one out of seven firms, and a large proportion of the biggest companies, had substantive links with the National Socialist German Workers’ Party. Firms supporting the Nazi movement experienced unusually high returns, outperforming unconnected ones by 5% to 8% between January and March 1933. These results are not driven by sectoral composition and are robust to alternative estimators and definitions of affiliation.Political Connections, Stock Market, Asset Pricing, Nazi Rise to Power, Interwar Germany

    Nietzsche og nazistene. En kort sammenligning

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    I denne oppgaven vil vi sammenligne filosofen Freidrich Nietzsches politiske og religiøse synspunkter, med de tilsvarende synspunktene til Det nasjonalsosialistiske tyske arbeiderpartiet. Denne sammenligningen forsøker å finne ut av hvor like disse to partene er, og om man med god samvittighet kan argumentere for at Friedrich Nietzsches rykte ble rettferdig brukt eller misbrukt av Det nasjonalsosialistiske tyske arbeiderpartiet.In this paper we will make a comparison between the german philosopher Fridrich Nietzsche's poltical and religious views, with the equivalent views of the the National Socialist German Workers' Party. This comparison tries to explore the differences and similarities between the two parties, and if you with good conscience could argue that Freidrich Nietzsche credibility was used or misused by the National Socialist German Workers' Party

    Robert Bittner Attestation Document

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    Tan document with title, Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei. Includes printed and typewritten information. Information Provided by Michael D. Bulmash: German National Socialist Workers Party(NSDAP) document attesting to a Robert Bittner being a party member as well as a member of the SA or Sturmabteilung. It further attests that there are no doubts that Bittner will continue to support the movement of Adolf Hitler. This document was signed by Kreisamtsleiter Fliegner.https://digital.kenyon.edu/bulmash/2210/thumbnail.jp

    Folk Songs, Youth, and Propaganda: Music of the Third Reich

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    As the world watched the rise of a new political power in Central Europe, the German youth perceived a new, exciting movement sweep through their backyard. The Third Reich gained control over Germany through the planning and organization of Hitler and his Nazis. Hitler sought to construct his pure society, accomplished through the orzanization of the sovernment and the National Socialist German Workers\u27 Party b . b (NSDAP). While their nation made drastic shifts politically, the rich history of German art music and folk music played into the changes during the rise of the Nazi party. German culture was formed in part through a deep history of folk music within their society and Hitler was meticulous about the music he personally promoted within the Third Reich. It was this combination that resulted in the use of art music and folk music as propaganda for Nazi Germany

    Channeling Janus: The Birth of the West German State and Rebirth of the German Nation

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    CESAA Essay Competition 2018 – Undergraduate winner: Jack JacovouThis essay will submit three arguments which will sustain this thesis respectively: 1) the incorporation of expellees, the expellee movement, and their irredentism which romanticised the Nazi period, saw a form political extremism rise as a direct consequence of the breakup of Germany after World War II (WWII)1; 2) the decline of the German Communist Party (KPD) and National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) reflected Germans becoming critical of the political extremism prevalent between the 1919 until 19452; 3) influenced by both the War and German history wholistically, the Allies and Germans crafted a Basic Law (Grundgesetz) which embodied a strong parliamentary and federal system.3 With all this in mind, the first argument to highlight how Germany drew upon its history to craft new political institutions and a new culture, is the incorporation of the expellees and their irredentism

    Letter Regarding a Jew\u27s Tailor Shop, Which Was Seized and Given to a German

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    Letter on Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National-socialist German Workers\u27 Party letterhead. Includes typewritten message regarding Franz Hirsch. Information Provided by Michael D. Bulmash: One of two letters regarding a Jew\u27s tailor shop (2012.1.369, 2012.1.370). This letter is a T.L.S. by a district leader of Vienna on NSDAP district group letterhead, June 28, 1938, sent to Joseph Burckel (and initaled by him in pencil at the bottom). It advises: ... Franz Hirsch... Was informed to look for a suitable Jew\u27s store and that we will support him in transfer and the Aryanization of the business... On April 19, 1938 Austria had officially become part of the German Reich: Presumably Mr. Hirsch got his store.https://digital.kenyon.edu/bulmash/2057/thumbnail.jp

    Barry Hoffman Nazi Postcard Collection

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    This collection is comprised of postcards that are connected to the Nazi Party in Germany. The Nazi Party, officially the National Socialist German Workers\u27 Party (German: Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or NSDAP), was a political party in Germany active between 1920 and 1945 that created and supported the ideology of Nazism. Its precursor, the German Workers\u27 Party (Deutsche Arbeiterpartei; DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The Nazi Party emerged from the extremist German nationalist, racist and populist Freikorps paramilitary culture, which fought against the communist uprisings in post–World War I Germany. The party was created to draw workers away from communism and into völkisch nationalism. Initially, Nazi political strategy focused on anti–big business, anti-bourgeois, and anti-capitalistrhetoric. This was later downplayed to gain the support of business leaders, and in the 1930s the party\u27s main focus shifted to anti-Semitic and anti-Marxist themes. Following the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, Hitler established a Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda headed by Joseph Goebbels. The Ministry\u27s aim was to ensure that the Nazi message was successfully communicated through art, music, theater, films, books, radio, educational materials, and the press. Postcards were an extension of the propaganda department to boost morale, glorify their military and political heroes, and commemorate special events and anniversaries. Postcards were easier to disseminate than posters and political cartoons and the Nazi government saw in postcards a way to use visual imagery that could express opinions and rally citizens around common causes inexpensively and effectively. Postcards were printed and sold throughout Germany and German-occupied territories. The postcards offered an affordable way to stay in contact with family and friends in an era before wide access to mass communication, and this common form of communication became interwoven with images of Hitler and party symbols. The postcards show the massive popularity that Hitler enjoyed in Germany during this era. Nazi propaganda often used Hitler\u27s image, building a myth of his supposed invincibility and charisma. The leader became associated with the nation\u27s prosperity and was portrayed as central to its future success. Hitler\u27s images cast him as a hero, a father figure, and a protector of Germany—and they appeared almost everywhere in Germany during the years of Nazi rule. By late 1943 the printing of postcards stopped due to extreme material shortages from the war. (USHMM

    Workers\u27 Resistance Against Nazi Germany at the International Labour Conference 1933

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    Eighty years ago, the delegation of national socialist Germany made an early exit from the International Labour Conference. An attempt to install the German Labour Front as legitimate worker representatives, instead of the free trade unions, had failed due to resistance from the Workers’ Group and, not least, the persistent silence maintained by Wilhelm Leuschner, the German unions’ representative on the ILO Governing Body. Wilhelm Leuschner was a courageous man whose actions were carefully thought through, and right from the start he was an opponent of the Nazi regime. As a resistance fighter for Germany and against Hitler, he was murdered by the Nazis in 1944. In June 1933, his participation in the International Labour Conference opened up the possibility of going into exile, but he opted instead to resist from inside Germany. That decision no doubt explains why he chose to pillory the regime by keeping silent at the International Labour Conference, rather than voicing public protests. Like so many other people in 1933, Leuschner had no idea of just how far the national socialists would later take their lust for annihilation and terror. But what was quite clear by 2 May 1933 at the latest, when the Nazis banned the free German trade unions, occupied their premises and packed countless trade unionists off to the concentration camps, was that even gestures of submission and far-reaching concessions to the Nazis would do nothing to ensure the organizational survival of trade unions that three generations of German workers had built up into one of Europe’s most powerful trade union organizations. At the same time, open political resistance in June 1933 would almost certainly have meant ill-treatment, torture and imprisonment, without in any way improving the chances of success. In this situation, Wilhelm Leuschner needed to adopt the right tactics for his appearance at the International Labour Conference, and the Workers’ Group had to ponder how it could effectively show solidarity with the German unions without exposing German trade unionists, and Wilhelm Leuschner in particular, to even greater danger. Reiner Tosstorff’s study sets out to describe and understand this complex set of circumstances. And looking beyond this concrete individual case, it still raises issues that are still relevant today

    “Red Rosa”: Rosa Luxemburg’s Utopia of Revolution

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    Rosa Luxemburg è stata un outsider sotto molti punti di vista: convinta fautrice dell’internazionalismo nel panorama politico polacco, in cui prevaleva la “questione nazionale” dell’indipendenza e dell’unificazione dei territori polacchi separati, ha polemizzato direttamente col Lenin sul problema della democrazia all’interno del partito e dello Stato comunista; la sua visione politica era i9n netto contrasto con quella del Partito Socialdemocratico Tedesco (SPD) sulla questione dei crediti di guerra; è stata, nella teoria e nella prassi, una sostenitrice dei diritti delle donne. Ma è rimasta un’ebrea senza radici, senza tradizione e senza patria. La morte di Rosa Luxemburg ha segnato la fine di ogni possibilità di una rivoluzione bolscevica in Germania, ma anche la fine di ogni alternativa alla dittatura del partito all’interno del movimento comunista internazionale. Al fallimento politico è seguita la condanna all’oblio. Esiste quasi una conventio ad excludendum nei confronti di Rosa Luxemburg: i polacchi la rifiutano a causa del suo internbazionalismo, gli ebrei a causa della sua freddezza nei confronti della “questione ebraica”, i comunisti perché la considerano “estremista e deviazionista”, i socialdemocratici perché “rivoluzionaria”, i liberali perché la considerano “una terrorista sovversiva e sanguinaria”. Rosa “la rossa”, ebrea senza patria, condizionata dalla sua furia per il suo internazionalismo, è stata vittima della sua stessa euforia, ha tentato di realizzare una rivoluzione politica e sociale, di fondare una repubblica dei consigli dei soldati, degli operai e dei contadini, sbagliando la valutazione delle forze in campo. Ma la sua scelta è stata consapevole e razionale. Una scelta politica e ideale che si pone sulla scia dell’ illuminismo tedesco e della Haskalah. Rosa Luxembur rappresenta una variante radicale degli ebrei assimilate tedeschi, polacchi e russi che hanno tentato di razionalizzare, di far crescere e di “rivoluzionare” la società civile per liberare l’umanità oppressa.Rosa Luxemburg was an outsider in many ways: she vehemently supported internationalism within the Polish political landscape, in which the “national question” of the independence and unification of Polish separated territories prevailed; she argued directly with Lenin about the democracy in the party and in the communist state; her views were in stark contrast to the German Social Democratic party (SPD) on the question of war credits; she was, in theory as well as in practice, a representative of women’s liberation. She remained a Jewess without roots, without tradition and without country. The death of Rosa Luxemburg marked the end of every possibility of Bolshevik revolution in Germany, but also the end of every alternative to the dictatorship of the party within the international communist movement. The political defeat was followed by the condemnation to oblivion. There is almost a conventio ad excludendum against Red Rosa: Poles reject her for her anti-nationalism, Jews because of her indifference to the “Jewish question”, the Communists because they considered her “extremist and deviationist”, the Social Democrats because she was “revolutionary”, the liberals because she was considered a “subversive and bloody terrorist”. Red Rosa, Jewess without homeland, conditioned by the fury of her internationalism, fell victim to her own utopia, she tried to realize a social and political revolution, to build a republic of councils of soldiers, workers, and peasants, missing the valuation of the fighting forces. But her choice was rational and conscious. An ideal and political choice that inherits the tradition of the deutsche Aufklärung and the Haskalah. Rosa Luxemburg represents a radical variant of German, Polish, Russian assimilated Jews who tried to rationalize, to improve, to “revolutionize” civil society to free oppressed humanity

    Revolutionary syndicalist opposition to the First World War: An international comparative reassessment

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    It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. While it highlights the distinctive nature of the syndicalist response compared with other labour movement trends, it also explores the important strategic and tactical limitations involved, including the dilemma of attempting to translate formal syndicalist ideological commitments against the war into practical measures of intervention, and the consequences of the syndicalists’ subordination of the political question of the war to the industrial struggle
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