From roses to bullets: the rise and decline of post-Soviet colour revolutions

The chapter explores the reasons for the colour revolutions’ successes and failures in the post-Soviet space. The article starts with an overview on the colour movement from the first stirrings to the present day. We then propose criteria that will be applied to our analysis, constructed on five variables. The factual analysis of individual countries that follows is built around these five variables

The ISCIP Analyst, Volume XI, Issue 3

This repository item contains a single issue of The ISCIP Analyst, an analytical review journal published from 1996 to 2010 by the Boston University Institute for the Study of Conflict, Ideology, and Policy

The decline of the Namibian opposition 1990-1994, and prospects for the future

Includes bibliographical references.Namibia's founding election did not bring SWAPO a two-thirds majority. Opposition parties' combined votes totalled a third of the poll, giving a strong minority of National Assembly seats to a number of opposition parties. Namibia seemed a ready example of a successful negotiated transition to multi-party democracy. However, in the first five years since independence the opposition parties have fallen behind as SW APO has continued to consolidate its electoral and legislative power. In the first five years since independence the opposition parties have had little effect on government policy-making and have declined significantly in electoral strength - in the second National Assembly election in December 1994 the opposition parties combined decreased from 31 to 19 seats. SW APO, therefore, gained a resounding two-thirds majority, raising concern that Namibia is largely a de facto one-party state. This paper explores reasons for the lack of opposition party influence in the First Parliament and for the electoral decline experienced by the opposition. It is based on interviews with several opposition party leaders as well as other individuals with Namibian expertise. Conclusions are also drawn from primary research on the Hansard debates of the Namibian National Assembly, the Constitution and the Standing Rules and Orders of the National Assembly. Institutional structures within the existing Namibian political system are one reason for the decline of-opposition politics in the country: they limit opposition parties' ability to develop both a wider support base and, concurrently, to influence legislation. Equally important in stifling the growth of the opposition parties are organisation and other internal weaknesses on the part of the parties themselves. Socio-cultural realities in Namibia likewise affect the growth of opposition parties

‘Episodes of Liberalisation’ or ‘The Logic of Capital’: The Genesis of Liberalisation in India

This paper examines the genesis of liberalisation in India, it argues that once we locate its origin we can understand its direction and underlying political economy with much greater clarity. In particular the paper seeks to answer three questions. Why was reform launched in 1991 when the real economy was essentially in good condition? Why did the state choose a neo-liberal policy package when other options were available? Why did the state sustain liberalisation even after the economy had recovered from the immediate crisis? Existing answers to these questions are found to be inadequate. Instead this paper focuses on an alternative explanation that emphasises continuity, the reforms in 1991 can be traced back to the early 1970s. The Momentum of reform was sustained and assumed a particular form due to an underlying ‘logic of capital’

Generation i-Pod: from apathy to engagement

Youth political participation is a topical issue in 2010. Not only are politicians and political scientists alike interested in whether younger voters will turn out in the 2010 General Election; there is an ongoing debate as to whether the voting age should be lowered. In part this drive to lower the voting age is driven by a desire to re-engage young people with the political process. A recent survey by the Children’s Society stated that Stephen Fry is the most popular choice for Prime Minister and that fewer than one in ten young people (9 per cent) think that politicians can be trusted

Cultures of dominance: institutional and cultural influences on parliamentary politics in Melanesia

In this paper, I outline the institutional and cultural aspects of parliamentary politics in Melanesia with the intention of charting areas apt for institutional strengthening and capacity building projects, and those that are not. The paper represents part of a wider survey of attitudes to parliaments and parliamentarians across Melanesia.AusAI

The Politics of Budgeting in Indonesia

This thesis explores the nature of public budget-making through a study of the interplay between formal political institutions and informal practices within Indonesia’s budgetary arena after the 2014 elections. It draws on a body of theory that deals with the role of political institutions in budget-making and engages with key theoretical debates in area studies about the role of politicians and parties within Indonesia’s political system since the advent of democracy. Based on data collected through participant observation, in-depth interviews and a study of primary source documents, the thesis examines the legislature’s behaviour in the budget-making process. Drawing on three case studies, it argues that the legislature’s relationship to political parties and the executive arm of government behaviour is influenced not only by the President’s constitutional budgetary powers, but also by electoral rules that encourage legislators to prioritise access to patronage resources over party affiliation. In other words, the budget-making process is driven by a combination of the executive’s need to advance its budgetary agenda in a multiparty presidential setting, the absence of party direction and discipline and legislators’ need to secure patronage resources. These findings offer new insights not only into the budgetary process but also into the workings of Indonesia’s legislature. First, the case studies show that the presence or absence of a governing coalition is not a key determining factor in providing stability in the budget decision-making process. Second, they demonstrate that—in the absence of effective coalitions—the use of constitutional budget-making powers to maintain the support of the legislature comes at a particularly high political cost. Third, they reveal a form of cartel-like behaviour among individuals, rather than parties, which challenges the applicability of cartel party theory in the Indonesian context

Hungary's U-Turn

For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation