85,590 research outputs found

    Living with Nkrumahism: Nation, state, and pan-Africanism in Ghana

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    This dissertation explores the construction of the pan-Africanist and socialist discourse of Kwame Nkrumah’s government—Ghana’s first independent government—during the nation-building project of the 1950s and 1960s. In 1957, when Ghana became independent, the country’s transition to self-rule emerged as a watershed moment in African and world history as this small West African country challenged an international community rooted in the political and institutional framework of the territorial nation-state with a radical program of pan-African liberation and global socialist development. By 1958, the Nkrumah government’s commitment to this radical program had resulted in supra-territorial federations with Guinea-Conakry and later Mali, while, at home, Nkrumah and his Convention People’s Party (CPP) presented the nascent nation as a model for a new form of modern, disciplined, and continental citizenship. Based on eighteen months of oral and archival research in Ghana, this dissertation reconstructs the development and performance of Nkrumah’s program of pan-African liberation and socialist development in the Ghanaian public sphere. In doing so, it interrogates the role of pan-Africanism and global socialism in shaping a vision of a growing modern, disciplined, and socialist citizenry within the Nkrumahist state. Moreover, through an examination of the press, youth, women’s, and workers’ organizations, this dissertation traces how key groups of both “elite” and “ordinary” Ghanaians embedded aspects of Nkrumahist ideology into existing idioms of power, corruption, and progress in their communities as they sought to negotiate the increasingly volatile realities associated with life in postcolonial Africa. As a result, I argue that, through the institutional framework of Nkrumah-era pan-Africanist and socialist politics, an interactive debate developed within Nkrumah’s Ghana whereby an eclectic array of Ghanaian men and women came together to debate and contest their changing places, roles, and responsibilities in the postcolonial nation. Such an analysis, I contend, provides a framework for understanding decolonization and nation-building in Africa not as the elite program of political re-organization that most scholars have portrayed it as, but as part of a dynamic set of local and transnational imaginings and contestations aimed at addressing the challenges and inequities associated with Africa’s transition to self-rule.U of I Only2 year U of I Access extension requested by author and approved by Emily Wuchner. Embargo applied by [email protected] 2019-05-16

    Crime and Prejudice: Ming Criminal Justice as Seen in 16th Century Spanish Sources

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    胡安•冈萨雷斯•德•门多萨于1585年出版的 《中华大帝国史》第一次以西班牙语和葡萄 牙语全面整理了有关中国的记述。该书正面 记录了中国明朝司法制度,并探讨了这些司 法制度与当代西班牙和墨西哥司法制度之间 的巨大差别。其中包括对法律和公共框架的 曲解,公众对证人的质疑,多层面不同形式 的惩罚,经济上的惩罚以及死刑的场景。作 者在书中强调通过奖励和惩罚双重方式对各 级官员、下属大臣进行严格控制,以保证对 各级官员的选拔任用标准,这一点也曾在蒙 田对明代官员的评价中得到过体现。此外, 胡安•冈萨雷斯•德•门多萨还十分崇敬守护印 第安人的拉斯卡萨斯,他决定从他的文献中 删掉那些为对抗中国而向强硬派提供的所谓 正当权利的论辩,如洛阿尔卡所目睹的邪恶 和杜拉埃尼亚所描述的死刑等。 González de Mendoza’s book on China, published in 1585, compiled all the first narratives about China, both Portuguese and Spanish. It contains a highly positive account of Ming criminal justice in which he emphasizes those elements of Chinese justice that deeply contrasts with Spanish and Mexican practices: the legal and public frame of torture, the public questioning of witnesses, the multilayered revisions of penalties, the public placing of the monetary fines, and the mise en scène of the death penalty. He insistently highlights the strict control upon every layer of officers and inferior ministers through a double procedure of rewards and punishments that guarantees the high standing of Chinese officials, an appraisal that Montaigne would pick up in his extremely rare allusions to China. At the same time, González de Mendoza, a thorough admirer of father Las Casas, the defender of Indians, decided to omit from his sources those elements that could provide the hardliners with arguments, the just title, to confront China, such as the nefandous sin witnessed by Loarca and the death by a thousand cuts described by Dueñas

    Identidad Corporativa en la Administración Pública. Diagnóstico comunicacional de la Subdirección de Capacitaciones del Gobierno de la Provincia de Córdoba

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    Trabajo Final para optar al grado académico de Licenciatura en Comunicación Social, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba Calificación 10 (diez) Orientación mixta (Gráfica/Institucional)El presente trabajo se centra en una investigación de tipo diagnóstica llevada a cabo en la Subdirección de Capacitación del Gobierno de la Provincia de Córdoba. En la investigación se reconocen y analizan, a partir de un marco teórico construido en base a los aportes de los autores Paul Capriotti, Daniel Scheinsohn y Michael Ritter, distintas categorías conceptuales de la identidad corporativa y de la comunicación interna de la Subdirección, mediante el uso de diferentes fuentes y herramientas de recolección de datos. La propuesta procura diagnosticar de manera descriptiva el funcionamiento del área a través de un análisis exhaustivo que incluye los tópicos teóricos relacionados con la identidad corporativa y su comunicación, a partir de indagaciones realizadas a los actores participantes de la dinámica comunicacional del área. El análisis se orienta al público interno, específicamente a los directivos del área y a los agentes que desempeñan sus funciones laborales en la dependencia. A partir de estas unidades de análisis, se considera fundamental prestar atención al factor humano en la organización.Fil: Díaz Bravo, Gustavo. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación; Argentina.Fil: Ortiz, Nicomedes. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación; Argentina.Fil: Torres, José Ignacio. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación; Argentina

    Balancing the urban stomach: public health, food selling and consumption in London, c. 1558-1640

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    Until recently, public health histories have been predominantly shaped by medical and scientific perspectives, to the neglect of their wider social, economic and political contexts. These medically-minded studies have tended to present broad, sweeping narratives of health policy's explicit successes or failures, often focusing on extraordinary periods of epidemic disease viewed from a national context. This approach is problematic, particularly in studies of public health practice prior to 1800. Before the rise of modern scientific medicine, public health policies were more often influenced by shared social, cultural, economic and religious values which favoured maintaining hierarchy, stability and concern for 'the common good'. These values have frequently been overlooked by modern researchers. This has yielded pessimistic assessments of contemporary sanitation, implying that local authorities did not care about or prioritise the health of populations. Overly medicalised perspectives have further restricted historians' investigation and use of source material, their interpretation of multifaceted and sometimes contested cultural practices such as fasting, and their examination of habitual - and not just extraordinary - health actions. These perspectives have encouraged a focus on reactive - rather than preventative - measures. This thesis contributes to a growing body of research that expands our restrictive understandings of pre-modern public health. It focuses on how public health practices were regulated, monitored and expanded in later Tudor and early Stuart London, with a particular focus on consumption and food-selling. Acknowledging the fundamental public health value of maintaining urban foodways, it investigates how contemporaries sought to manage consumption, food production waste, and vending practices in the early modern City's wards and parishes. It delineates the practical and political distinctions between food and medicine, broadly investigates the activities, reputations of and correlations between London's guild and itinerant food vendors and licensed and irregular medical practitioners, traces the directions in which different kinds of public health policy filtered up or down, and explores how policies were enacted at a national and local level. Finally, it compares and contrasts habitual and extraordinary public health regulations, with a particular focus on how perceptions of and actual food shortages, paired with the omnipresent threat of disease, impacted broader aspects of civic life

    South Yorkshire low carbon energy supply chains: insulation sector summary

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    South Yorkshire low carbon energy supply chains: hydrogen sector summary

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    Structural and Attitudinal Barriers to Bicycle Ownership and Cycle-Based Transport in Gauteng, South Africa

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    Policies that aim to facilitate and promote non-motorised transport (NMT), and in particular cycling, have been developed by many high-income countries facing increasingly congested roads and saturated public transport systems. Such policies are also emerging in many low- and middle-income settings where high rates of urbanisation have led to similar problems with motorised transport. The aim of the present study was to better understand the potential structural and attitudinal barriers to cycle-based transport in one such context: South Africa’s Gauteng Province, the industrial powerhouse of sub-Saharan Africa that has recently made a firm commitment to NMT. The study focussed on demographic and socioeconomic variation in bicycle and car ownership, and related this to: (1) the reported use of motorised and non-motorised transport (both private and public); and (2) perceived ‘problems’ with cycling. The analyses drew on interviews with key respondents from n = 27,490 households conducted in 2013 as part of the third Quality of Life survey undertaken by the Gauteng City Regional Observatory. The survey contained items on three outcomes of interest: household vehicle ownership (bicycles and cars); modes of transport used for the “trips” most often made; and respondents’ “single biggest problem with… cycling”. Respondent- and household-level demographic and socioeconomic determinants of these outcomes were examined using descriptive and multivariable statistical analyses, the latter after adjustment for measured potential confounders identified using a theoretical causal path diagram (in the form of a directed acyclic graph). Of the n = 26,469 households providing complete data on all of the variables examined in the present study, only n = 8722 (32.9%) owned a car and fewer still (n = 2244; 8.4%) owned a bicycle. The ownership of these assets was commonest amongst wealthier, economically active households; and those that owned a car had over five times the odds of also owning a bicycle, even after adjustment for potential confounding (OR 5.17; 95% CI 4.58, 5.85). Moreover, of household respondents who reported making ‘trips’ during the preceding month (n = 18,209), over two-thirds of those whose households owned a car (70.1%) reported private car-based transport for such trips, while only 3.2% of those owning a bicycle reported cycling. Amongst the specific responses given to the item requesting the “single biggest problem with… cycling” by far the commonest was “Don’t know how to cycle” (32.2%), less than half as many citing “Vehicle accident risk” (15.9%), and fewer still: “Destination is too far” (13.9%); “Crime” (10.3%); “Too much effort” (9.2%); or “Lack of good paths” (4.6%). While the first of these reasons was commonest amongst poorer households, concerns about risk and effort were both most common amongst better educated, economically active and wealthier/better serviced households. In contrast, concerns over (cycle) paths were only common amongst those owning bicycles. The low prevalence of household bicycle ownership, and the disproportionate number of households owning bicycles that also owned cars, might explain the very small proportion of the ‘the trips most often made’ that involved cycle-based transport (0.3%), and the preferential use of cars amongst households owning both bicycles and cars. Low levels of bicycle ownership might also explain why so many respondents cited “Don’t know how” as the “single biggest problem with… cycling”; although risk and effort were also substantial concerns (presumably for many who did, and some who did not, know how to cycle); the lack of suitable cycle lanes being only primarily a concern for those who actually owned bicycles. Structural and attitudinal barriers to cycle-based transport limit the use of cycle-based transport in Gauteng, not only amongst the vast majority of household respondents who lack the means to cycle (and the means to learn how), but also amongst those dissuaded from learning to cycle, purchasing a bicycle and/or using a bicycle they own by: the risks and effort involved; the lack of suitable cycle paths; and/or because they also own a car and prefer to drive than cycle

    Paradoxes in the Management of Timebanks in the UK’s Voluntary Sector: Discursive Bricolage and its Limits

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    This paper contributes to our understanding of volunteer management by charting some important challenges associated with the governance of one of the UK’s largest timebanking networks. While timebanking is often treated as a form of volunteering, many timebank advocates are keen to distinguish it sharply from traditional volunteering. We suggest that this tension generates a fundamental ‘performance paradox’ in the management of timebanks in the voluntary sector. We draw on political discourse theory to characterise and evaluate associated challenges, suggesting that, when viewed against a host of context-specific organisational and policy pressures, the progressive potential of timebanking cannot be realised as a distinct community economy without adequate support. Instead of taking up a position alongside more traditional forms of volunteering, timebanking is more likely to be subsumed by them

    The second wave of COVID-19 and beyond: Rural healthcare

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    There are increasing signs that SARS-CoV-2 has started to spread to rural areas in India. It impacts people’s health, lives, and public health infrastructure that is already strained from a lack of resources. The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic in rural India is a worrying trend; 50% of reported cases since the beginning of May 2021 are from rural districts. Long-standing systemic, functional, and health inequities have put people in rural communities at increased risk of contracting COVID-19 and suffering from the lack of essential healthcare services. Health disparities between rural and urban areas exist not only in terms of risk factors, such as poor diet and vaccine hesitancy, but also in terms of healthcare infrastructure, manpower, and testing facilities. We suggest some long-term and short-term measures to efficiently develop strategies to contain and control the pandemic in rural areas. Short-term measures include implementing health communication tailored in culturally sensitive ways, increasing vaccination by the usual immunisation pattern, increasing the number of testing facilities, and ensuring food security through the public distribution system (PDS). Long-term suggestions include strengthening the primary healthcare system, increasing funding in the health sector to 2.5% of the gross domestic product (GDP), introducing mid-level care providers, improving skills and training of ASHAs along with adequate financial incentives, and ensuring participation of multiple stakeholders in community health schemes

    Responding to research evidence in Parliament: a case study on selective education policy

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    This research focusses on how members of the UK Parliament engaged with evidence in relation to the policy decision leading to the Selective Schools Expansion Fund, a policy designed to enable the existing 163 English Grammar Schools to apply for additional funds to expand their intake. Although a small case study, the narrow focus provides a fertile setting for analysis of the relationship between research evidence, Parliamentary debates, and policy decisions. The article provides contextual background in relation to the dominant political parties’ (Conservative and Labour) education policy manifesto statements and a discussion on the nature and understanding of evidence. Particular attention is given to how evidence can be used to support claims and the importance of justified warrants. Using NVivo software, we identified the thematic content of 11 Parliamentary debates and analysed the findings using descriptive statistics, which we tested with a playful, carnivalesque extrapolation of the data. Argumentative analysis shows that within the debates a number of rhetorical tools are used to avoid empirical evidence, including the deployment of a ‘moral sidestep’ which discourse analysis reveals in this case to be the repeated communication that grammar schools are ‘good’. In this way, Ofsted ratings are conflated with moral goodness, leading to a disproportionate diversion of school funding in their favour. This case study exposes strengths and weaknesses of Parliamentary debate, which might be relevant to educational researchers who focus on evidence-based policy and to the policy makers and other stakeholders who engage with the evidence such researchers offer
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