Intervocalic lenition, contrastiveness and neutralization in Catalan

Copyright (c) 2022 Jose Ignacio Hualde, Jennifer ZhangIn this study we examine the effects of word boundaries on the lenition of intervocalic voiceless plosives in Catalan in order to test the role of phonological contrastiveness in phonetic processes. Here we test the hypothesis that word-final intervocalic voiceless plosives (VC#V) will show greater lenition than word-internal and word-initial intervocalic tokens (VCV, V#CV), since in word-final position the contrast between /ptk/ and /bdg/ is neutralized. Lenition should be manifested acoustically as greater intensity, shorter duration and greater voicing. We find weaker support for the hypothesis than in a parallel study on Basque, suggesting the existence of phonological differences between the two languages. On the other hand, we find a strong effect of style on intervocalic lenition, with conversational speech promoting more lenited consonants. Intervocalic stop lenition in Catalan does not appear to be driven by temporal reduction

Contrast preservation and constraints on individual phonetic variation

Ferdinand de Saussure, one of the founders of modern Linguistics, described language as a system where everything holds together. Regarding the sounds of language, this has led to the current view that the phonology of a language consists of a complex system of relations between contrastive phonemes. In this dissertation, I test whether there are constraints on individual phonetic variation from a multivariate perspective due to this system of relations, and how these constraints interact with contrast preservation. Two main views of contrast preservation are considered. The first view is that contrast preservation is merely an outcome of other regular phonetic processes that affect multiple consonants simultaneously. The second view is that contrast preservation acts as a constraint on the phonetic realization of phonemes. To this end, two phonetic experiments are performed. In both experiments, multiple acoustic measures of intervocalic consonant strength are taken, and PCA is used for dimensionality reduction, resulting in measures of overall consonant strength. These measures are then analyzed with Bayesian linear mixed effects regression (using weakly informative priors and maximal random effects structures) in order to obtain distributional information about both populations and individual speakers. In the first experiment, word-medial intervocalic /s/ and /f/ are compared for Valladolid Spanish and Barcelona Catalan. Both Catalan and Spanish have the fricatives /s/ and /f/, neither has /v/ contrasting with /f/, and only Catalan has /z/ contrasting with /s/. The results show that Catalan /s/ is stronger than Spanish /s/, but there is no evidence for a difference between the two language’s /f/ strengths, with strong evidence that the magnitude of the difference between Catalan and Spanish /s/ is larger than the magnitude of the difference between Catalan and Spanish /f/. I argue that these results are consistent with a role for contrast preservation as a constraint, with Catalan having stronger /s/ than Spanish because lenition of Catalan /s/ causes phonetic overlap with a contrasting phoneme, while lenition of Spanish /s/ does not. In the second experiment, the simultaneous lenition of Spanish intervocalic /ptk/ and /bdg/ in three dialects (Cuzco, Peru; Lima, Peru; and Valladolid, Spain) is examined. Cuzco is found to have the strongest productions for both /ptk/ and /bdg/, Lima the weakest for both, and Valladolid in between for both. That is, the same hierarchy of strength applies in both cases, though the evidence for the difference between Valladolid and Lima /ptk/ is considerably weaker than the evidence for the other differences. I argue that the results are consistent with constraints on multivariate variation at the dialectal level, but that further research is required to see how constraints at the individual level relate to population differences. Examining individual variation in both experiments, I find that the degree to which an individual speaker lenites /f/ is correlated with the degree to which they lenite /s/, and that the degree to which they lenite /ptk/ is correlated with both the degree to which they lenite /bdg/ and the degree to which they lenite /sf/. These correlations represent a significant constraint on individual phonetic variation from a multivariate perspective. While a connection between individuals’ /ptk/ and /bdg/ lenitions can be explained by both the constraint and outcome views of contrast preservation, the correlation between /sf/ and /ptk/ and the correlation between /s/ and /f/ lend support to the outcome view, and Catalan having stronger /s/ than Spanish but not stronger /f/ lends support to the constraint view. I argue for a framework in which acoustic lenition in a variety of intervocalic consonants may share a common articulatory source of lenition, giving rise to constraints on individual phonetic variation that may lead to contrast preservation as an outcome, but where there may additionally be a role for contrast preservation as a constraint. I conclude by discussing the importance of further acoustic studies that use the methodologies employed here, and studies that explore the articulatory and perceptual implications of the results. In the first experiment, word-medial intervocalic /s/ and /f/ are compared for Valladolid Spanish and Barcelona Catalan. Both Catalan and Spanish have the fricatives /s/ and /f/, neither has /v/ contrasting with /f/, and only Catalan has /z/ contrasting with /s/. The results show that Catalan /s/ is stronger than Spanish /s/, but there is no evidence for a difference between the two language’s /f/ strengths, with strong evidence that the magnitude of the difference between Catalan and Spanish /s/ is larger than the magnitude of the difference between Catalan and Spanish /f/. I argue that these results are consistent with a role for contrast preservation as a constraint, with Catalan having stronger /s/ than Spanish because lenition of Catalan /s/ causes phonetic overlap with a contrasting phoneme, while lenition of Spanish /s/ does not. In the second experiment, the simultaneous lenition of Spanish intervocalic /ptk/ and /bdg/ in three dialects (Cuzco, Peru; Lima, Peru; and Valladolid, Spain) is examined. Cuzco is found to have the strongest productions for both /ptk/ and /bdg/, Lima the weakest for both, and Valladolid in between for both. That is, the same hierarchy of strength applies in both cases, though the evidence for the difference between Valladolid and Lima /ptk/ is considerably weaker than the evidence for the other differences. I argue that the results are consistent with constraints on multivariate variation at the dialectal level, but that further research is required to see how constraints at the individual level relate to population differences. Examining individual variation in both experiments, I find that the degree to which an individual speaker lenites /f/ is correlated with the degree to which they lenite /s/, and that the degree to which they lenite /ptk/ is correlated with both the degree to which they lenite /bdg/ and the degree to which they lenite /sf/. These correlations represent a significant constraint on individual phonetic variation from a multivariate perspective. While a connection between individuals’ /ptk/ and /bdg/ lenitions can be explained by both the constraint and outcome views of contrast preservation, the correlation between /sf/ and /ptk/ and the correlation between /s/ and /f/ lend support to the outcome view, and Catalan having stronger /s/ than Spanish but not stronger /f/ lends support to the constraint view. I argue for a framework in which acoustic lenition in a variety of intervocalic consonants may share a common articulatory source of lenition, giving rise to constraints on individual phonetic variation which may lead to contrast preservation as an outcome, but where there may additionally be a role for contrast preservation as a constraint. I conclude by discussing the importance of further acoustic studies which use the methodologies employed here, and studies which explore the articulatory and perceptual implications of the results

Lenition of intra-lexical intervocalic /bdg/ and coda -s in Peninsular vs Latin American Spanish: a large scale study

This study focuses on two lenition processes in Peninsular and Latin America varieties of Spanish : the weakening and/or suppression of the intra-lexical intervocalicV/bdg/V and of the coda-s. We examine lenition from the perspective of the geographical and stylistic frequency in large scale corpora and we use forced alignment ofpronunciation variants to quantify its frequency across dialects. Corpora covers several varieties, from Spain and Latin America, and speaking styles. The results showthat lenition occurs more frequently in Latin America varieties and the spontaneous settings lead to increased lenition rates.Fil: Hernandez, Nidia Alejandra. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Centro Argentino de Información Científica y Tecnológica; ArgentinaFil: Vasilescu, Ioana. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique; FranciaFil: Vieru, Bianca. Vocapia Research; FranciaFil: Lamel, Lori. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique; FranciaLabPhon16 - Variation, development and impairment: Between phonetics and phonologyLisboaPortugalAssociation for Laboratory Phonolog

Social dynamics of Catalan-Spanish contact in the evolution of Catalonian Spanish

The research objectives of this dissertation are: (1) to empirically investigate the origin behind two (contact) features of Catalonian Spanish, [ɫ] and [z], inquiring the role of specific linguistic and social factors as relevant in the process of linguistic influence from Catalan, and (2) to empirically uncover the sociolinguistic profile of each of [ɫ] and [z] in the respective social and linguistic ecologies of the Barcelonan bilingual community. Grounded in a speaker-based theory of language change (cf. Weinreich, Labov, & Herzog 1968) and a comparative sociolinguistics study of language contact (cf. Poplack & Levey 2010), this thesis treats linguistic variation as ‘structured’ heterogeneity (cf. Labov 1982). Qualitative and quantitative measures are used to analyze the variable use of the variants within and across different groups of bilingual speakers, consequently providing insight into the spread and development of these variants within the community. Accordingly, by exploring questions related to the development of language influence in a contact situation, a detailed study of the relevant linguistic and social factors serves to explain the origin and diffusion of contact features, therein speaking to their actuation and propagation (cf. Weinreich et al. 1968). Speech data were elicited from 4 experimental studies designed following phonetics and second language research frameworks, and informed by quantitative and variationist approaches to sociolinguistics: (1) careful pronunciation word-list reading, (2) casual speech informal interview, (3) matched guise [covert attitudes], and (4) debriefing interview [overt attitudes]. Tasks were administered to a group of Barcelonan Catalan-Spanish bilinguals, stratified by age, gender, and language dominance, in addition to a group of Catalan-dominant speakers (stratified by gender and age) from surrounding smaller Catalan-prevalent villages, and lastly a control group of monolingual Spanish speakers from Madrid. Token-by-token detailed phonetic analyses of lateral velarization and intervocalic fricative voicing were performed using a combination of manual and automated methods in Praat, along a gradient, non-discrete continuum. Inferential statistics, including chi-square and mixed-effect GLM techniques were performed using R. Results from these statistical analyses provide empirical evidence that [ɫ] and [z] production in Barcelonan Spanish is directly influenced by contact with Catalan. This influence is shown to be manifested both linguistically, in the form of sensitivities to linguistic constraints from Catalan, as well as socially, in the form of more frequent usage with increased exposure to and usage of Catalan (i.e., Catalan-dominant speakers). Additionally, statistical analyses reveal differences between social values and overt awareness regarding [ɫ] and [z], in that the former variant is overtly recognized as a negative stereotype of Catalanized Spanish, particularly by Spanish-dominant bilinguals and monolinguals from Madrid. In contrast, the latter variant lacks overt negative social commentary, being instead covertly and positively associated with closeness to the Catalan speaker (i.e., solidarity) by Catalan-Spanish bilinguals. These divergent social values are argued to account for the more advanced propagation of [z] than [ɫ] amongst bilingual speakers, as characterized by the dissimilar usages of each variant beyond the speech of the most Catalan-dominant bilinguals (and in particular, youth female Spanish-dominant bilinguals). Accordingly, the findings help to emphasize social values linked to particular linguistic features as a driving force in their propagation, and accordingly, in language change. Moreover, they highlight how the path of diffusion of contact features is necessarily mediated by language dominance in the bilingual community

Intervocalic /s/ voicing in Catalonian Spanish

Ever since the early fifteenth century, Catalan and Spanish have been in contact with one another. This situation of language contact would logically give rise to a unique dialect of Spanish, that being Catalonian Spanish. However, this variety has been widely ignored by the academic community at large; it was not mentioned in Zamora Vicente’s book on Dialectology in Spain and the influential Spanish linguist John Lipski makes no mention of it in any of his works on Spanish dialectology or language contact in the Spanish speaking world. Although research has been dedicated to the study of how Spanish influences Catalan there have been few studies on how the Spanish spoken in Catalonia is influenced by Catalan, especially in terms of phonology. The present study looks at intervocalic /s/ voicing in Catalonian Spanish as a product of contact-induced change and seeks to describe the linguistic and sociolinguistic factors that favor the voicing of /s/. Furthermore, this paper will argue that /s/ voicing is not a byproduct of the Spanish brought to Catalonia by the Castilians, but rather the imposition of a specific Catalan phonological rule onto the bilingual’s spoken Spanish. Finally, the results will support other findings and principles guiding /s/ voicing in Spanish, particularly in regards to the current research being done on Ecuadorian Spanish.Arts & Sciences Undergraduate Research ScholarshipNo embarg

Typological variation in language contact: A phonological analysis of Italiot Greek

This dissertation investigates the phonology of Italiot Greek (IG) from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective, pursuing two core objectives: first, to provide an up-to-date description of the phonological system of IG, highlighting the deviations from Medieval Greek as well as the vast cross- and intra-dialectal variation, and, second, to account for the typological changes IG has undergone and formalize the convergence with the Romance grammatical system. The description of the phonological system of IG is based on original data obtained via fieldwork in the IG-speaking enclaves (Salento and Calabria). The in-depth presentation covers phoneme inventories, phonological processes, the organization of the syllable, sandhi phenomena, and stress properties. Moreover, it focuses attention on the diachronic changes with respect to the consonant inventories and certain phonological processes. Special emphasis is placed on substantial modifications in syllable structure, compared to the Medieval Greek system, and the processes these changes have triggered; specifically, (a) the gradual reduction of place and manner features that are admitted in the coda, which is manifested through diachronic shifts towards less marked values; (b) the licensing of complex onsets at the left edge of the root, which allows long-distance metathesis of liquids. These phenomena not only differentiate contemporary IG from its ancestor as well as from virtually any other Modern Greek dialect, but also constitute crucial points of convergence with Romance dialects due to language contact. Within Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004), the dissertation proposes a novel typological analysis of these major changes in the syllable structure of IG. Following Alber & Prince (2015, in prep.), the analysis places IG within a broader typology of place and manner changes as well as long-distance metathesis and identifies the crucial ranking conditions, i.e. the typological properties, that define each grammar of the typological system. Minimally varying grammars, i.e. grammars that share all but one property value, are shown to constitute chronologically adjacent stages in the history of IG (see Alber 2015; Alber & Meneguzzo 2016). In light of this, stepwise diachronic changes are explained as minimal switches in the property values. Crucially, the divergence of the IG grammar from the Greek system and its converge with Romance is accounted for through the lens of minimal differences in the property values. Thus, the dissertation offers an innovative formal account of contact-induced grammatical change

Soft d in Danish: Acoustic characteristics and issues in transcription

Danish, like closely related Swedish and Norwegian, has descended from Old Norse (Haugen 1976). While the three contemporary languages are variably mutually intelligible, Danish has phonologically diverged from the other Scandinavian languages (Gooskens 2006). This is caused by extensive consonant lenition and vowel reduction within Danish (Basbøll 2005). The lenition of and in syllable coda positions into a sound that Danish linguists have called soft-d is seemingly unique to the Danish. In most phonological descriptions, it is transcribed using the phonetic symbol /ð/, a voiced interdental fricative. We assert that this is not accurate; not all phonologists agree that the soft-d is a fricative. Some describe it as an alveolar semi-vowel (Haberland 1994), while others transcribe it as a velarized, retracted, and lowered alveolar approximant (Basbøll 2005). Many observe that the sound resembles lateral /l/, a distinct phoneme of Danish (Wells, 2010). Through acoustic analysis of tokens taken from the DanPASS corpus (Grønnum 2016) we show that the acoustic properties (HNR) of soft-d are indeed not the same as a fricative, but rather that of an approximant or vowel. Therefore, the use of /ð/ to transcribe this symbol is inaccurate and does not align with the goals of the International Phonetic Association

Typological variation in language contact: A phonological analysis of Italiot Greek

This dissertation investigates the phonology of Italiot Greek (IG) from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective, pursuing two core objectives: first, to provide an up-to-date description of the phonological system of IG, highlighting the deviations from Medieval Greek as well as the vast cross- and intra-dialectal variation, and, second, to account for the typological changes IG has undergone and formalize the convergence with the Romance grammatical system. The description of the phonological system of IG is based on original data obtained via fieldwork in the IG-speaking enclaves (Salento and Calabria). The in-depth presentation covers phoneme inventories, phonological processes, the organization of the syllable, sandhi phenomena, and stress properties. Moreover, it focuses attention on the diachronic changes with respect to the consonant inventories and certain phonological processes. Special emphasis is placed on substantial modifications in syllable structure, compared to the Medieval Greek system, and the processes these changes have triggered; specifically, (a) the gradual reduction of place and manner features that are admitted in the coda, which is manifested through diachronic shifts towards less marked values; (b) the licensing of complex onsets at the left edge of the root, which allows long-distance metathesis of liquids. These phenomena not only differentiate contemporary IG from its ancestor as well as from virtually any other Modern Greek dialect, but also constitute crucial points of convergence with Romance dialects due to language contact. Within Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004), the dissertation proposes a novel typological analysis of these major changes in the syllable structure of IG. Following Alber & Prince (2015, in prep.), the analysis places IG within a broader typology of place and manner changes as well as long-distance metathesis and identifies the crucial ranking conditions, i.e. the typological properties, that define each grammar of the typological system. Minimally varying grammars, i.e. grammars that share all but one property value, are shown to constitute chronologically adjacent stages in the history of IG (see Alber 2015; Alber & Meneguzzo 2016). In light of this, stepwise diachronic changes are explained as minimal switches in the property values. Crucially, the divergence of the IG grammar from the Greek system and its converge with Romance is accounted for through the lens of minimal differences in the property values. Thus, the dissertation offers an innovative formal account of contact-induced grammatical change

Transferability and productivity of L1 Rules in Catalan-English interlanguage

This paper examines the interference of L1 neutralization rules in the acquisition of a marked L2 phonological feature. More specifically, it presents results from a study of the acquisition of the voicing contrast in English word-final obstruents by native speakers of Catalan. The voicing contrast in final position in Catalan is neutralized by voicing or devoicing rules, depending on the environment. The results of an experiment testing the production of target final obstruents in different environments indicate a very high incidence of devoicing, which confirms the prevalence of final devoicing in second language acquisition and points to the joint effect of transfer and universal tendencies. In contrast with devoicing, the results reveal a more limited effect of the L1 voicing rules. It is argued that this difference is due to an effect of word integrity in the interlanguage that restricts the domain of application of the transferred rules