Eesti venekeelse elanikkonna segmenteeritud integratsioon ja vahendatud hargmaisus

Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsiooneEesti venekeelse elanikkonna puhul on tegemist sisemiselt heterogeense rahvastikurühmaga, keda ühendab küll ühine keel, ent kelle kohanemine Eesti ühiskonnas on aset leidnud eri viisidel. Kuigi neid erinevusi on uuritud varemgi, näiteks on lõimitust vaadeldud eeskätt riigispetsiifilise kapitali nagu kodakondsus ja keeleoskus abil (vt Lauristin 2012, Rikmann jt 2013), siis minu doktoritöö pakub välja detailsema empiirilise mudeli kirjeldamaks venekeelse elanikkonna lõimumise viise. Doktoritöös võetakse lõimumise lahtimõtestamisel arvesse venekeelse elanikkonna meedia kaudu vahendatud hargmaisust ehk eri meediaruumides osalemist ning piiriüleste (virtuaalsete) sidemete alahoidmist. Lõimumise ja hargmaisuse vahelisi seoseid ei ole Eesti kontekstis senini põhjalikult analüüsitud. Lõimituse aspektist on Venemaa mõju peetud kui mitte ohtlikuks, siis kindlasti mitte kohalikku lõimumist toetavaks. Käesolevast doktoritööst selgub, et opereerimine erinevates kultuuri- ja inforuumides ning laialdane venekeelse ja –maise meedia jälgimine ja kommunikatsioonipraktikad suhestuvad kohaliku lõimitusega erinevalt. See tähendab, et kohalik lõimitus ja meedia kaudu vahendatud hargmaisus on omavahel seotud, ent see vastastikmõju avaldub lõimrühmades erinevalt ning sõltub ka lõimrühmadele kättesaadavatest ressurssidest ja nende kasutamisest. Doktoritöö tulemused osutavad, et Eesti venekeelse elanikkonna saab tinglikult jagada neljaks. Multiaktiivne kosmopoliitne lõimrühm on tugevasti lõimitud kõikidesse ühiskonna sfääridesse, omab mitmekesist meediamenüüd ja suhtlusvõrgustikku, mis võimaldab aktiivselt ühiskonnaelus kaasa rääkida. Institutsionaalselt lõimunud usaldavad riigi institutsioone, neil on kõrgem haridus ning stabiilne majanduslik olukord, ent ebapiisav riigikeele oskus võib ühiskonnaelus osalemist pärssida. Kui regulaarne uudiste jälgimine hoiab kursis kohaliku eluga, siis venekeelse meedia jälgimine toidab hargmaisust ning võimaldab seeläbi säilitada ja arendada ajaloolis-kultuurilist identiteeti. Kolmas ehk etnokultuuriline lõimrühm paistab silma tugeva etnokultuurilise identiteediga ning lööb aktiivselt kaasa kodanikuühiskonnas. Samal ajal Venemaa kodakondsus ning Venemaaga seotud meedia- ja kommunikatsioonipraktikad ei toeta kohaliku poliitilise- ja kodanikuidentiteedi arengut ega suhteid põhirahvusega, ent seostuvad kohaliku tasandi kollektiivsete tegevustega ning hoiavad seeläbi ühiskonda sidustatuna. Neljast lõimrühmast problemaatilisim on nõrgalt lõimunud, kel puudub ligipääs ressurssidele, misläbi ühiskonnaellu kaasatud olla. Selle rühma hargmaisust, aga ka ühiskondlikku passiivsust toetavad meelelahutuslikku laadi tegevused virtuaalruumis, eeskätt sotsiaalmeedias.Although Russian speakers in Estonia are united by the common use of Russian language and linked social practices, such as following Russian language media, deepening in-group distinctions still exist inside the Russian speaking population and therefore their local integration has taken place in various ways. Previous investigations have offered typologies of multidimensional social involvement of the Russian-speaking population in relation to the ownership of nation state specific capitals (e.g. Lauristin 2012, Rikmann et al 2013). This dissertation explores integration of Russian-speaking population more detailed way, by taking into account mediated transnationalism, i.e. participation in different media and information spaces and maintenance of (virtual) cross-border ties. In the Estonian context the mutual modes of inter-connectedness have not, until now been comprehensively analysed. The role of Russia is considered to be, if not dangerous to, then definitely not supporting of, local social involvement. Results of this dissertation show that the widespread following of Russian and/or international media and personal cross-border communication practices of Russian-speakers in Estonia interact with the local integration in different ways by forming four different types of local integration. The results of this work indicate that local integration and mediated transnationalism are mutually connected, but at the same time, this inter-connectedness is also depending on the use and allocation of relevant resources and manifests differently. The multi-active cosmopolitan type of integration is the most autonomous, has the best access to all relevant resources, multifarious media menu and wide communication network, which enables successfully operate in society. The dutiful, institutionally engaged type of integration is describable by high trust towards institutions, higher education and stable economic situation, but insufficient knowledge of Estonian might hinder participation in society. If regular following of news media supports local integration, then following of Russian-language media reinforces transnationalism and enables to maintain and develop historical-cultural identity. The active ethno-culturally engaged type of integration has taken advantage of ethno-cultural and civic engagement resources. Russian citizenship and Russia-related media and communication practices do not support development of local political and civic identity or relations with majority population, but associate with local collective activities and keep thereby involved. The most problematic type of integration is the passive, weakly engaged one, who lacks access to the important resources and therefore remains isolated from society. Transnationalism, as well societal passivity of this group is supported by entertainment type of activities in virtual space, especially in social media.https://www.ester.ee/record=b538216

Reform of secondary education in post-communist Estonia: advancing or dismantling social cohesion

The concept of integration in the most basic of senses refers to intermixing of groups of people that were previously segregated. Estonia, as the focal point of this study as opposed to another post-Soviet nation, is unique in that it is such a small country, and this state possesses a variety of traits that distinguishes it from other states in the process of reform and from other multicultural states. Over 25% of the population of Estonia speaks Russian as their mother tongue, and currently the youth of these Russian-speaking communities are feeling the weight of the integration process. Education reform has been put in place in Russian-language schools so that the students will speak Estonian better and therefore will have more opportunities than previous generations to become well integrated in society. This seems harmless, but a debate has arisen over the period of this reform’s implementation that questions the potential success of this integration. This thesis focuses on the implementation of the Estonian integration program, specifically through the educational reform and whether or not the measures enacted have been successful. By looking at the process of the education reform in two phases, visiting specific Russian-language and Estonian immersion schools, interviewing individuals integral to the process itself and cross-referencing this study with others done on similar topics in the past, the researcher is able to analyze the results of the Estonian integration program as it stands in 2011. Using models of multiculturalism and its critiques, the researcher brings a better understanding of the diversity of the country. One of the largest setbacks for this country and its attempts at reform is the uneven distribution of resources, be they qualified teachers, materials, textbooks, monetary funding or otherwise. With any integration, there are debates, and among the main reasons for success or failure of such integration programs, the researcher outlines that community involvement and a positive environment, as well as realistic expectations are all solid contributors.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4541217*es

Reform of Secondary Education in Post-Communist Estonia: Advancing or Dismantling Social Cohesion

The concept of integration in the most basic of senses refers to intermixing of groups of people that were previously segregated. Estonia, as the focal point of this study as opposed to another post-Soviet nation, is unique in that it is such a small country, and this state possesses a variety of traits that distinguishes it from other states in the process of reform and from other multicultural states. Over 25% of the population of Estonia speaks Russian as their mother tongue, and currently the youth of these Russian-speaking communities are feeling the weight of the integration process. Education reform has been put in place in Russian-language schools so that the students will speak Estonian better and therefore will have more opportunities than previous generations to become well integrated in society. This seems harmless, but a debate has arisen over the period of this reform\u27s implementation that questions the potential success of this integration.;This thesis focuses on the implementation of the Estonian integration program, specifically through the educational reform and whether or not the measures enacted have been successful. By looking at the process of the education reform in two phases, visiting specific Russian-language and Estonian immersion schools, interviewing individuals integral to the process itself and cross-referencing this study with others done on similar topics in the past, the researcher is able to analyze the results of the Estonian integration program as it stands in 2011. Using models of multiculturalism and its critiques, the researcher brings a better understanding of the diversity of the country.;One of the largest setbacks for this country and its attempts at reform is the uneven distribution of resources, be they qualified teachers, materials, textbooks, monetary funding or otherwise. With any integration, there are debates, and among the main reasons for success or failure of such integration programs, the researcher outlines that community involvement and a positive environment, as well as realistic expectations are all solid contributors

Assessing the Effectiveness of the EU’s and Russia’s Cultural Diplomacy towards Central Asia. EL-CSID Working Paper Issue 2018/9 • February 2018

This paper attempts to analyse the European Union’s (EU) cultural diplomacy (CD) efforts in five Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, hereinafter ‘Central Asia’). Beginning in the early 2000s, EU Member States looked at the region with increased interest. Aside from major engagements on trade, energy and security, education and intercultural dialogue were stressed as priority areas in the 2007 EU Strategy for Central Asia. To measure EU effectiveness as a CD actor in Central Asia, a comparative dimension is proposed by analysing the role Russia has pursued. At law and policy level, since Putin’s return to the Presidency in 2012, Russia has reaffirmed its ambitions to strengthen both hard and soft presence in Central Asia, viewing the region within its sphere of influence. This engagement was reiterated in the 2015 Strategy of National Security and in the 2016 Foreign Policy Concept. To draw a comparison, actors’ CD effectiveness is measured in terms of willingness, capacity, and acceptance, based on the theoretical framework proposed by Kingah, Amaya and Van Langenhove1. This paper finds that European CD efforts had mixed results due to an inconsistent policy towards the region. Although EU cultural heritage and educational influence are widely acknowledged, Russia remains today the major foreign actor in Central Asia, displaying strong levels of attractiveness among citizenry and elites. Historical and cultural ties, but also institutional and economic efforts allowed Moscow to keep its leading position. However, Russia’s future regional leadership should not be taken for granted, as all Central Asian states have been looking at Moscow’s cultural engagement with increased scepticism

Exploring Russian-speaking identity from below: the case of Latvia

Recent research on the acculturation strategies of Russian speakers in Latvia has demonstrated that there is a high level of support for integration (identifying with both Latvian and Russian cultures) compared to marginalization, separation, or assimilation. However, a number of researchers have also highlighted the negative impact of top-down narratives and discourses produced by the country's politicians and journalists. These discourses, it is argued, hamper the integration process by creating incompatible identity positions between ‘Russian-speakers’ and ‘Latvians’. Accordingly, this research turns to focus group interviews with Russian speakers in Latvia in order to uncover the nuances of their identity-forming processes, their relations with the respective Russian and Latvian states, and their acculturation strategies, which are commonly overlooked in top-down accounts. Based on the analysis of the qualitative data it will be argued that there is great potential for an integrated, yet culturally distinct Latvian-Russian identity in Latvia

Central Asian integration as a way of guaranteeing regional security, economic growth, feasibility and prospects

Nowadays, CA countries are facing serious challenges. Their industries are slowly recovering from the disruption of “supplier-producer” ties among former Soviet republics and East European states. The transformation from centrally-planned economies into market oriented ones requires absolute reconsideration of political and economic values. The focus towards industrialization has been implemented. For instance, Uzbekistan is among the very few former USSR countries which have developed motor-car and aircraft industries. The textile industry is another sector which is currently experiencing a boom. Expansion of Turkish and South Korean businesses and inflow of substantial investments from these countries can be observed currently in several CA states. Financial inflows from these countries are directed towards motor-car and textile industries as well as hotel and tourist infrastructure. CA is a potentially good area for foreign investors. Besides the industrial sector, the financial sphere is another field where fruitful collaboration with foreign countries could take place. The financial system in most CA states is still restructuring and developing. Significant human resources and comparatively much lower wage rates and costs of production make CA attractive for investing. In order to attract foreign investments, a number of preconditions have to be met: - Political stability and security must be achieved; - Trade barriers should be removed; - Transportation infrastructure within the region needs to be improved. Achieving these points implies integration! Integrated CA is more likely to be able to cope with challenges of today’s insecure world. Moreover, integrated CA has better chances to assert its claims and interests, especially, CSR resources distribution, balancing interests of superpowers, and confronting external shocks and pressures. Adjacent to Russia, China, Iran, and Afghanistan, integrated CA states will be equipped with additional policy options due to its extremely important strategic location and geopolitical influence. Nowadays, the population of CA exceeds 60 million inhabitants. Abolishment of trade and tariff barriers will simplify labor mobility and free flow of capital. Since it represents vast markets, the region will be an extremely favorable environment for growth. Industries of consumer goods will have a boost. With influx of investments, textile and food industries, which are currently largely underdeveloped, will experience a continuous boom. Furthermore, these sectors also have considerable export potential, since, raw materials necessary for these industries are locally abundant. Over time, the abundance of cheaper labor resources will be a competitive advantage of CA industries compared to foreign producers. This might become the locomotive of integrated CA economy and will have profound effects, economic as well as social. The demographic profile of the CA area is unique with a high proportion of young people. Here, industrial development is crucial for eliminating the unemployment problem. Besides rich energy resources, the CA region also has plentiful ways to transport them, thanks to its strategic location: to China, to the sea (through Iran), to Turkey (through Caucasian states) and to Russia. This will make the region extremely important and powerful. The source of inter-ethnic conflicts is mainly rooted in social and economic hardships. Mostly, ethnic conflicts occur between indigenous populations and minorities. Sometimes, they are fueled by political reasons and inter-state disputes. Integration implies dissolution of such disputes. In fact, even historical evidence supports these ideas. During the Soviet period, all CA republics were part of single country. Back then, ethnic clashes were far less frequent than in the last 20 years. Between CA states, competition for the leadership in the region can be observed at present. This is a destabilizing factor, since outside powers frequently take advantage of such inter-state disagreements. Integration will prevent these trends and lead to one single powerful actor instead of several competing states. Some might argue that it is very unlikely for countries with different ethnic composition to integrate and actually the integration will intensify inter-ethnic tensions. But, there are examples of multi-ethnic states, such as Switzerland and Canada, which are quite successful and where various ethnic groups peacefully coexist and form single multi-ethnic society. One of the biggest fears among nations of CA is that they could lose their sovereignty through integration. They are afraid that one nation will dominate or even suppress the others. Nevertheless, the experience of European nations clearly demonstrated that such a situation can be avoided. Structure and system can be achieved if the principles of equality decision-making and benefits distribution are followed. The uniqueness of the European integration is characterized by the fact that smaller states are enabled to impose significant influence in decision-making and, subsequently, to enjoy significant benefits (Seidelmann 2004, p 3). Another good example would be the USA, where there is no “discrimination” among the states. The experience of European Union, which clearly demonstrated evident advantages of integration, might serve as an example and stimulus for the unification processes in the CA region in future