China’s response to the US in contemporary Asia

In the midst of heightened territorial tensions in Asia and lack of transparency within Beijing’s policymaking machine, analysts draw conclusions from China’s response to the US ‘pivot’ at their peril. The volume of Western supposition regarding China’s response to the US pivot vastly overshadows analyses of actual responses from Chinese sources. Studying official Chinese commentary and media coverage on US activity in Asia from November 2011 to January 2013 reveals three major trends. The tone in Chinese reportage on the US pivot ranges from a more moderate discourse from official sources to higher levels of alarm across state‑sponsored media. The media coverage of the US–Japan alliance or US engagement in ASEAN generally displays a high degree of nationalistic intensity, particularly when compared to the largely moderate Chinese reactions to Australia–US Marine and Air Force cooperation. US involvement in the South China Sea disputes and the US–Japan alliance in the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute have also elicited strong nationalistic responses in the media. A common theme of containment was recorded across all sources: the bulk of Chinese commentary on US Asia–Pacific policy is a response to the destabilising effect of what is perceived as a ‘Cold War’‑style encirclement of China. US Asia–Pacific foreign policy is discussed widely and actively in China. Understanding the nuances of China’s differentiated response from the time of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s 2011 ‘America’s Pacific Century’ essay in Foreign Policy magazine is important: it makes us examine the accuracy of Western perceptions of China’s ‘stance’ on US foreign policy in the Asia– Pacific. Doing so provides greater depth to analyses of the narratives and strategic culture of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Greater insight into foreign policy and decision-making in China is useful to regional stakeholders, even if the evidence does not always provide for lucid conclusions

China’s New Development Strategy: Environment and Energy Security

This paper analyzes China's development strategy by focusing on both global and regional approaches to solving problems of energy security and ecological imbalance by addressing specifically the problems of China’s energy security. PRC’s growing energy dependence has become a major concern for both economic and national security policymakers in that country. The ambitious goal of modernization of the economy along the lines of the other newly industrialized economies(NIEs) of Asia has succeeded only too well, and it is difficult to reorient economic priorities. If examined rigorously, such an economic strategic assumption can be seen to entail the goal of creating further technological capabilities. In particular, China seems to be firmly committed to the creation of a largely self-sustaining innovation system as part of a knowledge-based economy of the future . Such innovation systems, called positive feedback loop innovation systems or POLIS have been created by advanced countries, and NIEs such as South Korea and Taiwan are proceeding to create these as well. But this will add to its energy burden and further dependence on the US as the power which controls the key sea lanes. Only a strategic reorientation to building a self-sustaining POLIS and appropriate regional cooperation institutions can lead to the way out of the current dilemma for China. Fortunately, such a model of POLIS which is distributionally and ecologically sensitive can be built for China and applied strategically to lead towards a sustainable development trajectory. However, time is of the essence. Given the path dependence of development unless strategic disengagement from the existing path followed by a strategic engagement with the alternative strategy is begun within the next five years, it may well be too late. The stakes are indeed very high. A more detailed strategy paper based on the key ideas from the alternative strategy outlined here with concrete quantitative scenarios and feasibility studies along the lines of models sketched in the appendix ( and other, more detailed models) will go some distance towards giving the appropriate analytical foundations for the policy makers. The preliminary results confirm the predictions regarding fossil fuel-based energy shortage and lead towards a serious consideration of alternative energy sources. Achieving the twin goals of energy security and ecological balance are challenging but not impossible for China. Serious policy research can be used effectively if there is the political will to do so. The goal of regional cooperation is also achievable if patient negotiations in good faith can start in earnest. In particular, cooperation with other Asian economies, particularly Japan, Indonesia, Viet Nam and India will be crucial.This paper has sketched out the complexities of cooperation and conflict between China and Japan. Future work will address the problems of Regional cooperation for China in the East, South and South Asian context as well as in the context of Africa and Latin America.China, Development Strategy, Energy, Environment, POLIS, Innovation System, Regional Cooperation

The Four-dimensional Value of Mao Zedong Thought

Mao Zedong Thought was born in the revolutionary war period, and under specific background, it guided and led China to a semi-colonial and semi- feudal society to a novel democratic and socialist society. Maoism is the theoretical innovation and development of the Marxism–Leninism in China. It is the theoretical principle, objective reality and experience summary of the Chinese revolution and construction that has been practiced. Under the background of the new period, Mao Zedong Thought still has important practical significance and implication of the Times. To learn Mao Zedong Thought should also be interpreted from the four dimensions of historical values, theoretical value, practicable value and time value