Mechanisms of vowel devoicing in Japanese

The processes of vowel devoicing in Standard Japanese were examined with respect to the phonetic and phonological environments and the syllable structure of Japanese, in comparison with vowel reduction processes in other languages, in most of which vowel reduction occurs optionally in fast or casual speech. This thesis examined whether Japanese vowel devoicing was a phonetic phenomenon caused by glottal assimilation between a high vowel and its adjacent voiceless consonants, or it was a more phonologically controlled compulsory process. Experimental results showed that Japanese high vowel devoicing must be analysed separately in two devoicing conditions, namely single and consecutive devoicing environments. Devoicing was almost compulsory regardless of the presence of proposed blocking factors such as type of preceding consonant, accentuation, position in an utterance, as long as there was no devoiceable vowel in adjacent morae (single devoicing condition). However, under consecutive devoicing conditions, blocking factors became effective and prevented some devoiceable vowels from becoming voiceless. The effect of speaking rate was also generally minimal in the single devoicing condition, but in the consecutive devoicing condition, the vowels were devoiced more at faster tempi than slower tempi, which created many examples of consecutively devoiced vowels over two morae. Durational observations found that vowel devoicing involves not only phonatory change, but also slight durational reduction. However, the shorter duration of devoiced syllables were adjusted at the word level, so that the whole duration of a word with devoiced vowels remained similar to the word without devoiced vowels, regardless of the number of devoiced vowels in the word. It must be noted that there was no clear-cut distinction between voiced and devoiced vowels, and the phonetic realisation of a devoiced vowel could vary from fully voiced to completely voiceless. A high vowel may be voiced in a typical devoicing environment, but its intensity is significantly weaker than those of vowels in a non-devoicing environment, at all speaking tempi. The mean differences of vowel intensities between these environments were generally higher at faster tempi. The results implied that even when the vowel was voiced, its production process moved in favour of devoicing. However, in consecutive devoicing conditions, this process did not always apply. When some of the devoiceable vowels were devoiced in the consecutive devoicing environment, the intensities of devoiceable vowels were not significantly lower than those of other vowels. The results of intensity measurements of voiced vowels in the devoicing and nondevoicing environments suggested that Japanese vowel devoicing was part of the overall process of complex vowel weakening, and that a completely devoiced vowel was the final state of the weakening process. Japanese vowel devoicing is primarily a process of glottal assimilation, but the results in the consecutive devoicing condition showed that this process was constrained by Japanese syllable structure

The History of the Sibilants of Peninsular Spanish from the Eleventh to the Sixteenth Centuries

PhDIn an attempt to find a satisfactory and comprehensive explanation for the history of the sibilants in Peninsular Spanish, I explore the causal factors that were instrumental in motivating, promoting and diffusing the merger of voiced and voiceless sibilants. An investigation of these factors includes a discussion of language typology and universals, the acoustic qualities of the sibilant fricatives, issues surrounding phonemic mergers and dialect contact and mixing. In addition, I investigate the history of the sibilants, compare and contrast opposing views regarding that history and set forth those issues that have yet to receive a satisfactory explanation. Furthermore, I attempt to determine the geographical and chronological origins and the diffusion of this sound change by an orthographical investigation of several medieval documents and texts. In the final chapter, I tie together theory and data with the aim of giving a satisfactory and comprehensive exposition of the history of the sibilants in Peninsular Spanish. I conclude that the Spanish sibilants behave in keeping with the ideal observations set forth by the language universals examined in this thesis. The language-internal motivations include the ease in the articulation of voiceless sibilants in comparison to the voiced sibilants and the conditions that made the Old Spanish sibilants ripe for merger. Dialect mixing and contact and the weak ties within the social structure of medieval Spain are the language-external motivations that encouraged and promoted the sound merger and diffusion. With regard to the geographical and chronological history of the Spanish sibilants, I conclude that by the mid-thirteenth century, there is evidence of confusion of the /z/ and /s/ and by the end of the thirteenth century, neutralization of voice in the sibilants is widespread in all parts of Iberian Peninsula. There is possible evidence of seseo in Toledo as early as 1330 and in Soria in 1355. Evidence of the merger of [+voice] sibilants and [-voice] sibilants continues to mount throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In Central Spain, there is strong evidence of seseo in Madrid (1403-06), Peñafiel (1465) and Toledo (1438). and I, therefore, contend that early seseo is not exclusively Andalusian. By the mid-fifteenth century, there is possible evidence of merger of /z/ and /s/ in Southern Spain and by the sixteenth century, there is possible evidence of the merger Of /z/ and /s/ in Northern and Central Spain and possible evidence of zezeo and çeçeo in Southern Spain

Exploring Cross-linguistic Effects and Phonetic Interactions in the Context of Bilingualism

This Special Issue includes fifteen original state-of-the-art research articles from leading scholars that examine cross-linguistic influence in bilingual speech. These experimental studies contribute to the growing number of studies on multilingual phonetics and phonology by introducing novel empirical data collection techniques, sophisticated methodologies, and acoustic analyses, while also presenting findings that provide robust theoretical implications to a variety of subfields, such as L2 acquisition, L3 acquisition, laboratory phonology, acoustic phonetics, psycholinguistics, sociophonetics, blingualism, and language contact. These studies in this book further elucidate the nature of phonetic interactions in the context of bilingualism and multilingualism and outline future directions in multilingual phonetics and phonology research

Voicing in Contrast. Acquiring a Second Language Laryngeal System

Drawing on both rule-based and constraint-based approaches, Voicing in Contrast examines typological differences in the laryngeal systems of Dutch and English and investigates the extent to which native speakers of Dutch acquire English obstruent voicing. The analysis is based on a substantial new data collection of conversational Dutch and English speech by speakers of different varieties of Dutch. The results of the study show that the English interlanguage of advanced learners contains a mixed laryngeal system with elements from Dutch as well as from English. The book discusses how this system could emerge and analyses the extent to which learners succeeded in suppressing neutralizing processes of devoicing and voice assimilation. The results of the empirical analysis are examined in the light of existing theoretical approaches to laryngeal systems. Although the focus is on Dutch and English, the frequent references to other languages invite the reader to carry out comparable analyses for other languages with similar laryngeal systems. A detailed description of the methodology also makes the book of interest to scholars working with large databases of spoken first and second language speech. A sample of the data is available on a CD-rom accompanying the book

Final Devoicing: Principles and Parameters

This thesis addresses the problem of how to deal with the phonological event of final obstruent devoicing (FOD) in a theoretical framework based on principles and parameters rather than rules. The data used comes almost exclusively from German (Hochlautung). The first chapter presents the 'raw facts' of FOD. Its purpose is to provide an outline of the sort of data to be accounted for in the remainder of the thesis. Previous treatments of FOD in German are discussed and evaluated in the second chapter. All of them are shown to be associated with a number of problems, many of which are artifacts of inadequate theoretical frameworks. The third and fourth chapters address the questions of what FOD is and where it occurs. The proposed answer is couched in the framework of Government Phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm & Vergnaud 1985, 1990), a phonological theory whose basic tenets are introduced in the course of the discussion. The conclusion drawn is that FOD is an instance of autosegmental licensing, where the laryngeal element L- requires licensing by a nuclear position with phonetic content. Chapter 5 explores the question of why FOD should exhibit the particular properties that it does. Both physical factors which are responsible for the general tendency of (final) obstruents to exhibit some degree of devoicing and the cognitive benefits which FOD can bring to speech recognition are investigated. The final chapter takes a new look at the concept of neutralisation in the context of FOD in German. It highlights Trubetzkoy's and Kiparsky's views of neutralisation and discusses some of the experimental work which has examined FOD as a putative process of neutralisation over the past decade. It is shown that apparent problems for phonological theory raised by the experimental studies can be resolved by Government Phonology

Znělostní kontrast ve vietnamské angličtině

Tato práce se zabývá znělostním kontrastem ve vietnamské angličtině. Teoretická část nabízí přehled týkající se znělostního kontrastu obecně, tak, jak se s ním setkáváme v angličtině. Následující kapitola představuje několik vybraných teorií, jejichž cílem je zobecnit hlavní tendence spojené s osvojováním cizího jazyka. Závěr teoretického úvodu se věnuje Vietnamštině a podstatě této práce - Vietnamské angličtině s ohledem na počáteční konsonanty. Samotné analýze předchází popis metody, který poskytuje informace o nahraných Vietnamských mluvčích angličtiny, o postupu nahrávání a zpracování dat. Tabulky a grafy slouží k ilustraci statistických výpočtů provedených za použití ANOVA a Post- hoc testů, které rozpoznávají celkové a dílčí srovnání konkrétních vztahů. Výsledky analýzy ukazují, že angličtina s vietnamským přízvukem zachovává pro své počáteční přízvučné plozivy znělostní kontrast srovnatelný s rodilou angličtinou. Průměrné hodnoty doby nástupu znělosti pro znělé plozivy bez znělosti v okluzi byly naměřeny mírně vyšší, zatímco hodnoty pro znělé plozivy se znělostí v okluzi vykazují hodnoty téměř identické v porovnání s rodilými mluvčími americké angličtiny. Tuto shodu připisujeme průměrným hodnotám znělosti v artikulačním závěru, které má vietnamština taktéž velmi obdobné. Hodnoty pro...This thesis deals with the voicing contrast in Vietnamese-accented English. The theoretical part introduces the generally accepted phenomenon of voicing contrast and several theories aimed at generalization of the main tendencies in second language acquisition. The final part of the theoretical background addresses initial consonants in Vietnamese and Vietnamese English. The methodological section provides information about the informants, the recording, and data processing prior to the analysis itself. I also present graphs and tables illustrating the statistical calculations - using ANOVA and Tukey's post-hoc tests - that identify the relations among the measured units. The results of this analysis show that in its initial stressed plosives, Vietnamese-accented English maintains a voicing contrast similar to that of a native English accent. The average Voice Onset Time values of lenis stops without prevoicing are slightly higher than those produced by American English (AmE) speakers, while the average values of voiced initial stops prove to be fairly close to their AmE equivalents. This affinity is attributed to the fact that prevoicing in Vietnamese exhibits strikingly similar values to AmE. The values for fortis initial plosives are shown to be higher in VE than AmE, due to the fact that in...Department of the English Language and ELT MethodologyÚstav anglického jazyka a didaktikyFilozofická fakultaFaculty of Art

The Fijian Language

Humanities Open Book Program, a joint initiative of the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon FoundationThis work is directed to those who want to learn more about the Fijian language. It is intended as a reference work, treating in detail such tropics as verb and noun classification, transitivity, the phonological hierarchy, orthography, specification, possession, subordination, and the definite article (among others). In addition, it is an attempt to fit these pieces together into a unified picture of the structure of the language

The phonology and inflectional morphology of Cháʔknyá, Tataltepec de Valdés Chatino, a Zapotecan language

textThis dissertation is a description of the phonology and inflectional morphology of an endangered indigenous language of Mexico stemming from a collaborative research project that places an emphasis on natural language and on describing a language on its own terms. The language described is Tataltepec Chatino (ISO 639-3: cta), a Zapotecan language spoken by fewer than 500 people only in the community of Tataltepec de Valdés in Mexico's Oaxaca state. The language has a complex system of tone in which tone sequences are the crucial morphological element rather than the constituent tones of the tone sequences. The tone system has a slightly peculiar inventory, with the level tones Low, High, and Superhigh rather than Low, Mid, and High in addition to a High-Low contour tone. The tonal system is also notable given the unlinked tone in two tone sequences which only surfaces in particular phonological contexts, but is never displaced from the word it is associated with, unlike canonical floating tones. The segmental phonology shows a language that permits a large number of often very complex onset clusters many of which violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle, but maintains tight restrictions on codas, allowing only a simple coda which can only be filled by one of two consonants in the language. Tataltepec Chatino also has interesting morphological features in its complex systems of verb aspect and person inflection which are instantiated by a system of prefixes and a system of complex paradigmatic alternations which only partially intersect. The language also has an unusual word I analyze as a "pseudoclassifier" which appears to serve some pragmatic functions of numeral classifiers while failing to do any lexical classification.Linguistic

“Tense” and “Lax” Stops in Korean

Korean is thought to be unique in having three kinds of voiceless stops: aspirated /p h t h k h /, tense /p* t* k*/, and lax /p t k/. The contrast between tense and lax stops raises two theoretical problems. First, to distinguish them either a new feature [tense] is needed, or the contrast in voicing (or aspiration) must be increased from two to three. Either way there is a large increase in the number of possible stops in the world's languages, but the expansion lacks support beyond Korean. Second, initial aspirated and tense consonants correlate with a high tone, and lax and voiced consonants correlate with a low tone. The correlation cannot be explained in the standard tonogenesis model (voiceless-high and voiced-low). We argue instead that (a) underlyingly "tense" stops are regular voiceless unaspirated stops, and "lax" stops are regular voiced stops, (b) there is no compelling evidence for a new distinctive feature, and (c) the consonant-tone correlation is another case of voiceless-high and voiced-low. We conclude that Korean does not have an unusual phonology, and there is no need to complicate feature theory.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/42997/1/10831_2004_Article_5147651.pd