Towards a Re-Definition of Government Interpreters' Agency Against a Backdrop of Sociopolitical and Cultural Evolution: A Case of Premier's Press Conferences in China

The sociopolitical and cultural evolution as a result of the Reform and Opening up in 1978, facilitated not least by the inexorable juggernaut of globalization and technological advancement, has revolutionized the way China engages domestically and interacts with the outside world. The need for more proactive diplomacy and open engagement witnessed the institutionalization of the interpreter-mediated premier's press conferences. Such a discursive event provides a vital platform for China to articulate its discourse and rebrand its image in tandem with the profound changes signaled by the Dengist reform. This chapter investigates critically how political press conference interpreting and interpreters' agency in China are impacted in relation to such dramatic transformations. It is revealed that, while interpreters are confronted with seemingly conflicting expectations, in actual practice they are often able to negotiate a way as highly competent interpreting professionals with the additional missions of advancing China's global engagement and safeguarding China's national interests

Towards a Re-Definition of Government Interpreters' Agency Against a Backdrop of Sociopolitical and Cultural Evolution: A Case of Premier's Press Conferences in China

The sociopolitical and cultural evolution as a result of the Reform and Opening up in 1978, facilitated not least by the inexorable juggernaut of globalization and technological advancement, has revolutionized the way China engages domestically and interacts with the outside world. The need for more proactive diplomacy and open engagement witnessed the institutionalization of the interpreter-mediated premier's press conferences. Such a discursive event provides a vital platform for China to articulate its discourse and rebrand its image in tandem with the profound changes signaled by the Dengist reform. This chapter investigates critically how political press conference interpreting and interpreters' agency in China are impacted in relation to such dramatic transformations. It is revealed that, while interpreters are confronted with seemingly conflicting expectations, in actual practice they are often able to negotiate a way as highly competent interpreting professionals with the additional missions of advancing China's global engagement and safeguarding China's national interests

Nationalism and international disputes in China: Implications for transnational corporations as corporate diplomats

© John Benjamins Publishing Company. For decades, the territorial dispute between China and Japan over the sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands has caused diplomatic deteriorations in Sino-Japanese relations. When there is extensive media coverage on news about the dispute, nationalist sentiments in both two countries would be triggered and could be expressed through detrimental behaviors towards transnational corporations (hereinafter TNCs). While TNCs play a significant political function as corporate diplomats for their home countries, they are subject to the risk of crises when their home countries are involved in political and economic conflicts with the foreign countries in which they have operations. Against this backdrop, this paper seeks to examine the roles of TNCs with reference to three cases of nationalism-induced crises in China. It proposes relational principles based on which TNCs could implement strategies to mitigate the damage from nationalism-induced crises and contribute to their home countries' diplomatic goals as corporate diplomats

Towards Cooperation: An Organizational Rhetorical Analysis of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue

This study analyzes the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogues (S&ED) to uncover the organizational and rhetorical mechanisms by which U.S. and Chinese officials attempt to forge cooperative relations while managing issues of conflict. I argue for a communication centered approach for understanding geopolitical relations and the socialization process by which norms and values take root amongst U.S. and Chinese officials. To do so, I draw upon organizational institutionalism to uncover competing organizational logics guiding and constraining the S&ED through an organizational rhetorical lens while also providing a new theoretical conception of public diplomacy as a means to legitimize the S&ED as a mechanism for managing the complex bilateral relationship. Texts under analysis include the press releases, speeches, memos of understanding, and agreements published following each of the eight annual S&ED meetings from 2009-2016, totaling over 160 documents. Findings suggest that the S&ED defines both the dialogue mechanism and bilateral relationship as founded upon a central logic of “positive, cooperative, and comprehensive” relations between the two countries. Resulting from this logic, both the economic and strategic tracks of the S&ED focus on producing ever increasing, tangible outcomes encompassing wider areas of cooperation each year. These outcomes occur most significantly within the economic track discussions as well cooperation on climate change and exchange programs. Not until the later years of the S&ED, with the incorporation of a “new model of major country relations” are more security related issues addressed, with criticism of diverging view points on sensitive issues naturalized as expected given the S&ED’s value of dialogue and attention redirected from these issues to focus on the positive outcomes reached in other areas. Success of the S&ED relies upon self-reflexive praise by participants of the S&ED regarding its effectiveness in order to justify to domestic constituencies in both nations the continuance and support of the dialogue mechanism. This suggests that even after eight years of meeting, the dialogue mechanism is a fragile one, predicated on producing continuous success. Nonetheless, the breadth and number of agreements, exchanges, and growth of coordination between the bureaucracies of each country demonstrates that cooperation is possible

Egyptian public diplomacy: Past performance and future strategies ( case study)

This study aims to explore whether the types of Egyptian public diplomacy, if any, follow strategies, content, and priorities of new public diplomacy by analyzing public diplomacy strategies followed by the two of main informational bodies in the Egyptian state: the State Information Service (SIS), and the public diplomacy division in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The study advances a theoretical framework designed to help find a connection between strategies followed by public diplomacy institutions and agenda-building function of those institutions. The analysis reflected the lack of strategic planning in the two institutions to reach and influence foreign publics. Findings proposed that the main communication strategies in the SIS and MFA related to media relations and adopting reactive approaches to counter negative media coverage about the country in foreign media. A set of recommendations were introduced in a search for enhanced public diplomacy structure with more effective strategies to properly communicate with the international communit

«It’s the context, stupid»: The European Union’s public diplomacy in times of ontological insecurity

Public diplomacy, despite its numerous and varied definitions, is essentially a communications process. By engaging the academic literature of public diplomacy with Lasswell’s model of communication and Braddock’s rearticulation of his model, this paper proposes an integrated framework that allows for the systematization of public diplomacy research. The framework is composed of the independent variable of context, which influences a set of dependent variables: the actors, publics, messages, objectives and tools of public diplomacy. Accordingly, this paper argues that public diplomacy research has been traditionally approached from an agent-centric perspective, and despite its obvious significance, the influence of context has been understudied. In order to test the utility of the model, the paper applies it to the case study of the European Union’s public diplomacy during two different settings. First, it will expose the main characteristics of the EU’s public diplomacy during times of globalization, where the EU’s public diplomacy was characterized by its normativity. Subsequently, the current context of deglobalization and de-europeanization will be introduced and analyzed through the following research question: what happens to the EU’s public diplomacy when the founding myth upon which it is constructed is under threat? By altering the context, one can easily see an emerging but clear transformation of the characteristics of the EU’s public diplomacy. By analyzing official, policy, and legal documents, and engaging with the academic literature on the topic, the paper concludes that the main objective of the EU’s public diplomacy in a changing world should be to provide for ontological security through (emotional) strategic metanarratives

Study abroad and track II diplomacy

Track II diplomacy, or person-to-person diplomacy is one of the most basic, but also most important types of international relations. Track II diplomacy requires not just effective legislature to be in place, but also requires individuals to have cross-cultural competency. One question that arises is how is this type of connectivity between cultures is formed. One of the most direct links can be found in students. As the political environment changes, young minds and rising experts will be the people who need to handle future international problems, that are possibly different from what we have seen in the past. How will they be prepared for this task? The purpose of this thesis paper is to look at the relationship between study abroad and track II diplomacy

Towards corpo-nationalism: a Bourdieusian study exploring the relationship between national branding and the reproduction of Polishness (1999 - 2010).

This thesis interrogates the relationship between the emerging transnational field of nation branding practice and Polish national identity discourse. It sets the analysis of its findings in the contexts of the dominant neo-liberal political economy and promotional culture in Poland, but its examination considers the socio-historical conditions of the post-Soviet era accompanying nation branding as a nation building process. By considering specific settings, it outlines a reflexive case study, addressing a shift in the economy of practices at the crossovers of the Polish state’s structures, business groups, the mass media, and cultural intermediaries of nation branding. This study draws from Bourdieu’s theoretical oeuvre, nationalism scholarship, and corporate communications models. First, it demonstrates the growing impact of corporate communications models on the state as a democratic polity. Second, it sketches out the foundations for the empirical part of the study. Methodologically, it uses an interpretive approach to reveal collective action accompanying the nation branding exercise in Poland. It draws from a range of data to reconstruct the contested vision of the field of nation branding and the dynamics of the relationship between institutional and individual actors performing nation branding in Poland. The findings of this study unfold the implications of the imposition and invasion of nation branding within the Polish field of power, specifically with regards to the marketisation of Polish national identity, its co-construction and reproduction; attempts to further corporatise overseas propaganda on behalf of the Polish field of power; and a growing impact of private sector consultants on public policy making in post-Soviet Poland. Primarily, this thesis argues that one of the biggest consequences of the invasion of nation branding in Poland is the emergence of corpo-nationalism - a form of economic nationalism which was a weak component, until now, of political economy changes in Poland, post 1989

AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF THE MEANING OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY: A NETWORK APPROACH

The purpose of this study was to explore public diplomacy from a network approach. Whereas traditionally public diplomacy was conceptualized as a communication function belonging exclusively to governments, the network approach suggested that public diplomacy is a multilateral communication process that includes nongovernmental organizations, governments, publics, corporations, and other possible actors (e.g., Fisher 2008; 2010; Zaharna, 2010). Network approach to public diplomacy accounts for the technological advances, suggesting that digital media is an integral part of public diplomacy networks. This study used the qualitative research methodology to answer three research questions that sought to explore public diplomacy definitions, public diplomacy networks, and the use of digital media in public diplomacy. This research used the network approach as a conceptual framework and not as a methodology. In addition, this dissertation explored relationship cultivation processes in public diplomacy networks. Fitzpatrick (2007; 2009) argued that relational framework provided a holistic approach to public diplomacy, emphasizing interpersonal relationships as well as long-term plans. This study explored relationship cultivation processes in public diplomacy practice. Data included 32 in-depth semi-structured interviews with employees in governmental and nongovernmental organizations that were tasked with international communication. Findings confirmed the two approaches to public diplomacy evident in the literature: traditional approach and network approach. Results revealed that some actors viewed public diplomacy as networks, although such view was not common and links between actors were limited. Data suggested that public diplomacy networks were formed around issues of global concerns. Publics were conceptualized in terms of demographics and interests instead of geographical locations. Findings also suggested two new goals for public diplomacy: to explain global issues to audiences inside the country, and to empower publics. Convening, or network-making power, and expert power emerged as valuable sources of influence. Results showed that competition was a predominant relationship cultivation strategy. Trust emerged as a relationship cultivation strategy as well as an outcome. Last, findings suggested several advantages of digital media use, including its ability to reach many various publics simultaneously. However, results also showed that digital media was used as a "bull horn" rather than a two-way communication tool

The curious case of the Iran nuclear deal : a practice approach to understanding norm productivity of diplomacy

Iran’s nuclear programme has long been a nuclear proliferation controversy. In 2015, a historic agreement, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), was achieved that addressed the international community’s concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme. In 2018, however, the US pulled out of JCPOA. Much to the surprise of many, JCPOA did not immediately fall apart. In fact, JCPOA persisted for quite a long time. I made a hypothetical distinction between JCPOA as a material agreement, and JCPOA as a norm to explain the unexpected survival of JCPOA. In order to substantiate my claim, I foregrounded the role of diplomacy in the production and reproduction of JCPOA as a norm. I drew on post-structuralist and social constructivist elements as well as constructivist norm scholarship to inform my empirical analysis. My empirical analysis comprised two main parts. In the first part, I focused on diplomatic practices that took place from 2015 to 2016 corresponding to the time JCPOA was achieved until the implementation day. I identified discursive traces in the diplomatic practices that could contribute to constructing JCPOA as a norm. In the second part, I identified the patterns in the diplomatic practices that were involved in the reproduction of JCPOA as a norm, even though the contestations were building up progressively during the second time span from 2017 to 2020. I presented an innovative explanation for the surprising survival of JCPOA. I demonstrated that diplomatic practices were involved in the production and reproduction of JCPOA as a norm which in turn helped it persist against the contestations. I also uncovered a cooperative relationship between these diplomatic practices, and the structural/material factors in norm productivity. The findings of this thesis provide empirical insights into understanding the constitutive and agentic capacity of diplomacy. This thesis supports the non-instrumentalist/critical view of diplomacy as opposed to the instrumentalist/rationalist view. It is concluded that diplomacy in itself can be consequential for world politics.submittedVersionM-I