Rahvusliku, regionaalse ja Euroopa identiteedi pingeväli Václav Haveli ja Lennart Meri publitsistikas aastatel 1989-2004

Antud töö eesmärgiks on uurida, kuidas endistes kommunistliku bloki riikides mõtestati taasiseseisvumise järgset rahvusliku, regionaalse ja Euroopa identiteedi suhteid. Töö uurib nimetatud küsimust Tšehhi ja Eesti Vabariikide esimeste presidentide Václav Haveli ja Lennart Meri näitel, analüüsides kahe presidendi ning mõtleja avaldatud artikleid ning peetud kõnesid aastatel 1989-2004. Töö eesmärgiks oli leida vastus küsimusele, kuidas Havel ja Meri panid omavahel koostoimesse rahvusliku-, regionaalse- ja Euroopa identiteedi ning kuidas Tšehhi ja Eesti end Euroopa suhtes positsioneerisid. Uurimismeetodina on töös kasutatud diskursusanalüüsi, keskendudes peamiselt võrdlusele. Esimeses osas visandatakse praktiline raamistik, milles töö peategelased – Havel ning Meri – tegutsesid, andes ülevaate Euroopa laienemisprotsessist 1990ndatel ning pildi debatist Euroopa identiteedi ümber. Teine peatükk rekonstrueerib Haveli vaated, ning kolmas Meri omad. Neljas peatükk keskendub kahe presidendi tööde analüüsile ning võrdlusele, tuues välja Eesti ja Tšehhi nägemuste sarnasused ning erisused. Uurimistöö tulemusena selgus, et Havelil ning Meril olid suhteliselt sarnased vaated euroopluse küsimustes. Mõlemad soovisid selgelt säilitada nii oma rahvuslik, regionaalne kui Euroopa identiteet. Euroopa identiteet ja Euroopasse kuulumine põhinevad mõlema presidendi jaoks eelkõige euroopalikel väärtustel, mis põhinevad austusel indiviidi õiguste vastu, demokraatlike institutsioonide kaitsmisel, kodanikuühiskonna edendamisel ning õigusriigil. Euroopa integratsioonile ning Euroopa Liidule jagus mõlemal presidendil aga kriitikat ning oli suur tahe panna lääneriike mõistma Ida- ja Kesk-Euroopale osaks saanud kannatusi. Ajalises plaanis presidentide vaadetes sisulist muutust ei toimunud, küll aga muutus veidi kõnede fookus sõltuvalt kõne pidamise kohast ja publikust, kellele esineti. Integratsioonist räägiti rohkem kõneldes teiste postkommusnitlike riikidega, lääneriikidega rääkides oldi aga kriitilisem.https://www.ester.ee/record=b5451267*es

Eesti noorte rahvusliku ja Euroopa identiteedi seos hoiakutega sisserändajate ja demokraatia suhtes

https://www.ester.ee/record=b5241640*es

Vasak- ja parempopulistlike erakondade mõju Euroopa Liidule aastatel 2019-2021

Populistliku poliitilise liikumise üheks eesmärgiks on olnud mobiliseerida valijaid, keda ühendab vastumeelsus senisele poliitikategemise viisile. Sagedasti on sellise liikumise eesotsas karismaatiline juht, kes suudab juhtida masside viha endale sobivas suunas. Samas on vastavas kirjanduses arutletud erinevatest vaatenurkades, kas neil liikumistel on koht demokraatlikkus süsteemis, kui nad ise võitlevad selle vastu. Sellisel juhul võivad sellised liikumised võidelda rahva nimel ka suuremate rahvusvaheliste kogukondade, näiteks Euroopa Liidu vastu. Kirjanduses on välja toodud, et sellistel liikumistel on kitsas definitsioon rahvast kui poliitilisest tegutsejast. Kitsa nägemuse rahvast moodustavad populistliku liikumise toetajad ise. Nende nimel on sellised liikumised tegutsenud Euroopa Parlamendis oma seatud eesmärkide järkjärgulisel ellu viimisega, et Euroopa Liit oma seisukohtadele vastavalt kujundada. Selle mõju analüüsimiseks teostas töö autor kvalitatiivse analüüsi, kus vaadeldavateks juhtumiteks olid Itaalia Liiga parempopulistide esindajana ja Kreeka SYRIZA ning Hispaania Podemos vasakpopulistide esindajad. Erakondi ühendavaks asjaoluks on see, et mõlemad on osalenud valitsuskoalitsiooni töös, mille tõttu vaadeldi, kas koalitsiooni kuuluvus mõjutab nende erakondade tegevust Euroopa Parlamendis. Analüüsi põhialuseks olid nende liikmete osalusel esitatud muudatus- ja parandusettepanekud Euroopa Parlamendis võrrelduna valimis olevate erakondade osas teostatud uurimuste tulemustega. Uurimustöö tulemusena tõestati, et oma tegevuses lähtuvad need erakonnad platvormides olevatest seisukohtadest. Samuti leidis kinnitust asjaolu, et koalitsiooni kuulumine liikmesriigi tasemel ei mõjuta tegevust Euroopa Parlamendis.https://www.ester.ee/record=b5507053*es

Euroopa Liidu identiteedi kujunemine ja roll Valgevene-suunalise välispoliitika diskursuses

The paper deals with identity articulations in foreign policy, using European Union’s (EU’s) human rights policy in Belarus as an example. Based on poststructuralist discourse analysis of formal documents, the study analyzes how does the identity of the EU define this discourse, how does this discourse reproduce the EU’s identity, and what can we say about the EU as a foreign policy actor in international relations. In the paper Belarus as a significant Other for the EU is also analyzed. The latter is a good example because of its poor human rights records and ‘dictatorship’ that is in contrast to the democratic society of the EU. The latter sees Belarus as Europe’s ‘black sheep’. This figure is also a metaphor for Belarus as the Other. Seeing Belarus as the Other makes it possible to (re)produce the EU’s own identity by identifying what the Self is not. Through human rights policy discourse, the EU confirms its self-image as the fighter for human rights and also legitimizes its actions in the eyes of the West and itself

The securitization of Ukraine in the European Union's official discourse

Ukraine has been independent now for over 20 years, but it still has many issues to resolve in order to be a fully democratic country. Historically, Ukraine has been a part of the Austria-Hungarian Empire and also of the Soviet Union, so it has been influenced by both – Western and Eastern cultures. After the collapse of communism, Ukraine declared its independence and so began the long road towards recovering its own identity. After the Orange revolution it seemed like the country is heading down the path European Union wished for – democracy and a state governed by law. But as the elected president Viktor Yushchenko did not enjoy a truly successful term, Viktor Yanukovych was voted to be his successor in 2010. After his appointment as the president of Ukraine, there has been a slow decline concerning human rights, and a silencing of the political opposition. The ongoing case with Yulia Tymoshenko has diminished European Union’s belief in Ukrainian authorities and postponed the signing of the Association Agreement between two powers. For the European Union, Ukraine is very important for many reasons. Firtly, concerning energy security, as Ukraine is the most important gas transit country and therefore a security concern if anything should happen to the transit route again, as it happened in January 2009. Secondly, as Ukraine has an extensive land border with the EU, it is also important that the country shared EU’s visions and understandings about the importance of human rights and democratic values. Ukraine is the leading country whose citizens are sent back from the EU borders, so illegal immigration and human trafficking are also priorities which need to be dealt with. All the reasons mentioned above make Ukraine a key partner. Ukraine is one of the targeted countries in European Neighbourhood Policy, which sets goals and recommendations for reform in many key areas. Established and effective bilateral relations with the aim of deepening the economic co-operation, are the main targets for the European Community. So all in all, Ukraine with its size and role in energy policy is a country that cannot be afforded to be overlooked by the EU. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the key areas and topics concerning Ukraine which are being securitized in the EU’s official discourse. The goal is to find out why the European Union has chosen specific areas for securitization in its official discourse, which includes key speeches and important documents, which also make recommendations and demands for both parties – Ukraine and the European Union. Thesis follows the concept of securitization first introduced by the Copenhagen School. It is a process-oriented theory where at the centre is the speech act concept, which can be either in form of a request, warning or a claim. The process of securitization firstly needs a referent object or in other words something that has a legal claim to survive when facing an existential threat. Secondly, there must be a securitizing actor who or what makes the securitizing move. Finally, there has to be an audience that is influenced and persuaded to perceive that the referent object is being threatened and something must be done to counter the threat. The methodology is based on Lene Hansen’s concept of discourse analysis and her first model of intertextuality, where only the official discourse is being researched. The official discourse includes key speeches by important politicians like the presidents of the European Parliament and the European Commission, also by commissioners and representatives. The documents between the EU and Ukraine, that establish the official relationship between the two sides, are for example the European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plan Ukraine and the Country Strategy Paper for Ukraine 2007 – 2013. The timeframe for this thesis is 2005 – 2011, period from the adoption of the Action Plan until the EU – Ukraine summit in December 2011. After the careful analysis of key documents and speeches, the main findings were the following: 1. The European Union uses securitization mainly when talking about Ukraine as a gas transit country. The energy crisis in 2009 left a strong mark on the entire European Community, so it is important to avoid this happening ever again. Process-oriented securitization concept helps to raise this topic to the higher politics, thus making sure that everybody listens to the speaker or in other words - the securitizing actors. 2. Illegal immigration, ineffective border control and violation of human rights are also extremely important topics for the European Union, as it considers itself to be the protector of the European community alongside with its rights and thus wants to control Ukraine’s actions in these areas. Illegal immigration destabilizes the borders and as it often brings along crime and human trafficking, it needs to be avoided at any cost. Therefore, the solution is to enhance the border control capabilities and train more experts, who are qualified to deal with this problem. Human rights are the core for the European identity and for the entire European Union. The current imprisonment of Yulia Tymoshenko serves as a negative example of the human rights violation for the entire world to see. The EU does not want to have a neighbour, who does not support democratic values and the right to free speech, as they define freedom and democracy. 3. In their speeches, political leaders point out the need for establishing even stronger ties with the Ukrainian leaders, since it is vital for a successful co-operation in dealing with energy import, stable gas transit system and improving democracy including human rights. The constant and undisrupted flow of gas is extremely important for the EU, as many member states obtain the gas that arrives from Ukraine. But on the same time the European Union cannot stand by and do nothing while political opposition is being suppressed. Therefore many politicians are willing to co-operate only when certain conditions are fulfilled, including Ukraine adopting European core values as free speech and a fair and strong legal system. 4. The most common speech act in the securitization process when talking about Ukraine is claim. Warning and request can also be found, but not as often. In conclusion, after looking into the process of securitization in the European Union’s official discourse for Ukraine, it is clear that its foreign policy is connected with the questions of energy, stable gas transit system and human rights with democratic values. Ukraine is a very important partner for the EU, as both parties have signed treaties and documents, concerning increasing co-operation. Ukraine is one of the target countries in the European Neighbourhood Policy, having adopted an Action Plan. The bilateral relations and co-operation is important for the stability in the entire region and for its growth and development. The securitization of Ukraine in the European Union’s official discourse reflects also the self portrait of the EU as the dominant force in the region. The European identity includes the promotion of human rights, the protection of European values and tolerance, but also the capability to control its dependence on the import of gas and energy and as the leading power to securitize areas which are inadequate or insufficient according to the European Union’s self perception. As the current situation in Ukraine is not satisfactory for the EU, it is also important to find a solution in the near future between the two powers. It is also essential to adopt the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, because it states the future relations. This agreement would be an excellent source for future analysis between the EU and Ukraine.http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2620984~S1*es

State identity in foreign politics: explanation of differences in Estonian foreign policy towards Russia and Georgia

After Estonia joined the European Union and NATO in 2004, there has been a lot of talk about what Estonian identity in foreign politics is and what it should be. There has also been some debate about whether Estonia is too aggressive in its relations with Russia. Building on Alexander Wendt’s idea of social constructivism, we analyzed Estonian foreign policy towards Russia and Georgia. Estonia has close relations with both of the countries. Also both of the countries have had some internal problems in regards to democracy. We looked at the representations of Russia and Georgia in the speeches of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The analysis starts with the year 1994 as the transition period started to stabilize and clear long-term policies were beginning to be formed. After analyzing the representations of Russia and Georgia we also looked at the representation of the 2008 conflict between Russia and Georgia in the discourse of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. In general, Russia is seen as aggressive actor in International Relations that does not respect international law and is unwilling to cooperate in economic and boarder issues. After concluding that Georgia is represented mainly as a recipient of development aid and as a victim in the conflict, we looked at Estonian own identity. Estonian self-representation as a democratic European country conflicts with Russian and Georgian type identity, as both of them are less democratic. In the case of relations with Georgia it does not stop the formation of collective identity, which is mainly based on homogeneity and common fate. However, in relations with Russia it adds to the already existing image of Russia being an aggressive state that is unpredictable. In short, it further disables the formation of a collective identity, which is a base for friendly relations between countries. In conclusion, we can see that different identities influence relations differently depending on the context and that in the course of interaction these identities are being constantly reproduced.http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2624691~S1*es

Euroopastumise kuvand Eestis kooseluseadusest tulenenud väärtuskonflikti näitel kolmes suuremas meediaväljaandes avaldatud arvamuslugude põhjal

2014. aastal riigikogule üle antud kooseluseadusest kujunes 2020. aastaks ühiskonda lõhestav väärtuskonflikt, mis jagas konflikti osapooled maailmavaate põhjal kahte erinevasse gruppi. Viimaste aastate jooksul kujunenud kuvandi põhjal võib konflikti osapooled kokku võtta järgnevalt. Üks osapool iseloomustab „meid“ ühiskonna arengut soosiva Lääne- ja Põhja-Euroopa väärtusruumi kaudu ning kirjeldab „neid“ konservatiivsete ja idaeuroopalikena. Teine osapool iseloomustab „meid“ rahvuslike ja väärtusi hoidvatena ning „neid“ lääneeuroopalike vasakliberaalidena, kes seavad ohtu senised tõekspidamised. Kas see kuvand ka tegelikult paika peab – seda olengi püüdnud oma magistritöös avada. Selle magistritöö eesmärgiks on anda avaliku arvamuse analüüsimisel ülevaade sellest, kuidas tajutakse Eesti ühiskonnas Euroopa integratsiooni viimase kümnendi ühe tervavaima väärtuskonflikti kontekstis. Uurimisküsimus on, milline on euroopastumise kuvand kooseluseadust saatva meie-nemad väärtuskonflikti kontekstis. Töö hüpotees on, et eelpool kirjeldatud kuvand, mis taandub sellele, et KOOS omab euroopastumisega põhjus-tagajärg seost, on kujundatud väärtuskonflikti käigus. Uurimise tulemusel selgus, et euroopastumise taju tõstatus teemaks järk-järgult konflikti politiseerimise kaudu. Teema, mis algas 2014. aastal sallivuse ja õigusloome küsimusest, kujunes pärast seaduse vastu võtmist poliitiliseks väärtusküsimuseks, mida hakati kasutama järgnevatel riigikogu valimistel toetajate mobiliseerimiseks. See omakorda muutis euroopastumist tajutavamaks ja suurendas selle kogetavat mõju ühiskonnas. Euroopastumise taju tõstatus teemaks esialgu pigem seetõttu, et üks konflikti osapool kasutas euroopastumist negatiivses tähenduses, kirjeldamaks „neid“ kui EL-meelseid liberaalseid jõudusid. Hiljem võtsid euroopastumise kui selgelt tajutava protsessi kuvandi kasutusse ka seadustamise pooldajad, kes avavasid teemat peamiselt kuuluvusliku seose (sooviga kuuluda Lääne riikide sekka, mitte Itta), aga kaudselt ka julgeoleku küsimuse kaudu.https://www.ester.ee/record=b5508171*es

Sisemeditsiin ja erialade laiapõhjaline koostöö

Eesti Sisearstide Seltsi XII kongress peeti 17.–19. mail 2007 Tallinnas. Ürituse moto “erialade laiapõhjaline koostöö” sümboliseerib kindlat sammu sisemeditsiini kui eriala arenguteel. Eesti Arst 2007; 86 (5): 303–30

Rahvusliku identiteedi konstrueerimine Eesti päevalehtedes 1920. aastatel

“The Construction of National Identity in Estonian Daily Newspapers in the 1920s” The aim of this master thesis is to analyse how different forms of national identity were produced by Estonian printed press during the 1920s and what were the distinctive features characterising these forms of identity. Articles published in Postimees ja Päevaleht in 1921-1929 were taken under closer examination. Newspapers had an important role to play in the construction of Estonian national identity in the 19th century and in the beginning of the 20th century. Figuratively it can be said that Estonian national identity was created by the printed word. The theoretical framework of the thesis derives from the constructivist view on reality believing that national identity is a product of social construction and thereby it could be produced and changed. National identity is discursively produced, reproduced, transformed and destructed by means of language and other semiotic systems. Media is one of these discursive means. Newspapers participate in the construction of national identity by creating messages, stereotypes and context. The production of national identity is especially intense in a state where conditions are favorable for the appearance of “hot nationalism”. Articles published under these conditions are the main object of research in this thesis. The thesis also relies on the political-cultural model of nationalism. According to this dualistic model there are two types of nationalism – western political or civic nationalism and eastern cultural or ethnic nationalism. These two concepts are not considered to be exclusive but instead the thesis relies on an assumption that national identity includes both political and cultural element. The importance and relations between different forms of identity change due to social situational settings. The changes in social setting have also changed Estonian nationalism/national identity. In the beginning cultural elements were prevailing but in the beginning of the 20th century when Estonia had became an independent state, where nation- and state-building occurred, political elements were the most prominent in shaping the construction of national identity. Arising from the theoretical framework the thesis is trying to answer the following questions: - Did the articles published in Estonian newspaper during the 1920s produce political national identity or cultural national identity or both? - Where there any changes visible in the construction of national identity in 1921-1929 and if there were, is it possible to associate these changes with social circumstances? - What were the characteristic features of different forms of national identity produced in the 1920s? In order to find answers to these questions LCA-method (Latent Class Analysis) was used. This method produced a solution according to which four different classes or forms of national identity appeared. These classes were analysed by quantitative and qualitative means in order to describe the nature and relations between different forms of identity. Identity forms were also analysed from the historical viewpoint, which made it possible to connect the changes in national identity with the developments in the social situation in Estonia during the 1920s. The four different forms of identity that appeared in the articles were named the production of political identity, the production of past-oriented identity, the production of cultural identity and the production of political-historical identity. The most commonly produced identity form in the articles was political identity, followed by past-oriented and cultural identity. Political-historical identity was most rarely constructed in the articles. The production of political identity was mainly oriented towards the appreciation of democratic and economic values. It was conveyed that democratic state system and functional economy are the main groundsels that ensure the future of Estonian nation. The production of cultural identity was associated with stressing the importance of culture, language, education and science. Achievements in the intellectual sphere are as significant to the development of Estonia as democratic state and good economy. Political-historical identity valued democracy and economic indicators but also emphasised the importance of common national factors and historical past. In the centre of the past-oriented identity were history and the antagonism with the foreign nations that had oppressed Estonia over many centuries. The results of the analysis indicated that during the 1920s political national identity was most commonly produced by the two major Estonian newspapers. It was also concluded that generally the political-cultural model of nationalism could be implemented to describe the developments of Estonian national identity. But political identity could not be considered as the only and dominant identity form because the production on past-oriented, cultural and political-historical identity also appeared. Postimees and Päevaleht constructed different patterns of identity on their pages and these identity patters also changed during the time period under examination. The most notable change that appeared was the increasing importance of the past-oriented identity. After the analysis of these developments it was concluded that changes in the construction of identity could be explained by the conditions prevailing in the Estonian society during the years 1921-1929.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4056459*estTartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskon

Sahha (jakuudi) identiteet ja institutsionaliseeritud šamanism

In this article I discuss the ambivalent position of institutionalised shamanism in the Republic of Sakha, in the Russian Far East. Concurrently with the declaration of sovereignty in 1991, there was an upswing in the ethnic consciousness of the Sakha, the relevant process being manifested in increased interest in Sakha traditions and history.Shamanism, as one of the core features of Sakha culture, soon became an important ethnic symbol. After the establishment of the Association of Folk Medicine, the institution became politicised, being informally embedded in state structures, althoughformally, it was primarily engaged in healing people.I show that the state needed the Association to complete its nation building project, and the Association leaned on the state to increase its significance