Financing technology: an assessment of theory and practice

Financing technology poses a special challenge to economic institutions for several reasons. First, the uncertainty surrounding all the investment decisions is particularly acute and pervasive in the case of R&D, as well as developing and testing process and product innovation. Second, while the banks appear to have an important role to play, for many types of innovative businesses, they cannot be the sole source of financing. Third, technology ventures appear to face a basic trade off between profit and growth, which may be exacerbated by a difficult relationship with a credit institution. The paper examines these questions both theoretically and empirically, focusing on the US market as the leading financial center capable of providing imaginative solutions and on the Arab countries as a case study of developing economies facing a financial and institutional constraints

Opera Mundi: a weekly report on the economy of the Common Market. No. 491, December 2 - December 9, 1968.

No abstract

The relations between Turkey and the cooperation council for the Arab states of the gulf : toward a partnership

06.03.2018 tarihli ve 30352 sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan “Yükseköğretim Kanunu İle Bazı Kanun Ve Kanun Hükmünde Kararnamelerde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun” ile 18.06.2018 tarihli “Lisansüstü Tezlerin Elektronik Ortamda Toplanması, Düzenlenmesi ve Erişime Açılmasına İlişkin Yönerge” gereğince tam metin erişime açılmıştır.Ortadoğu bölgesi tarihin her safhasında olduğu gibi içinde bulunduğumuz bu yüzyılda da geçmişte sahip olduğu değerden hiç bir şey kaybetmeden sahnenin tam ortasında rol oynamaya devam etmektedir. İnsanoğlu varoluşu nedeniyle siyasi bir varlıktır. Ortadoğu diye adlandırdığımız bölge tarihin, medeniyetlerin ve siyasetin ana kaynağı olması hasebiyle siyasi ittifaklara tarih boyunca sahne olmuş bir bölgedir. İçinde yaşadığımız 21. Yüzyılda ülkemizin giderek gelişip dünya siyasetinde aktif rol oynamaya başlaması tarihi bağları olan yakın coğrafyalara yönelmesini de beraberinde getirmiştir. Türkiye son 10 yılda yani Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisinin iktidara gelmesiyle çok büyük bir kalkınma ivmesi kazanmıştır. Ancak gelişme ve dünya siyasetinde rol oynama arzusunun yakın coğrafyaların kazanılmasıyla gerçekleşeceğine inanan Türk Dış Politikasının yeni mimarı Ahmet Davutoğlu, belirlemiş olduğu yeni yol haritasında bütün yakın komşularla sıfır sorun ortamı yaratıp ilişkilerin en üst seviyeye çıkarılmasını amaçlamıştır. Bu bağlamda, Türk Dış Politikası yeni vizyonu ile yakın coğrafyalarda yeni müttefikler arama yoluna girmiştir. Dünya siyasetine bakıldığında son 10 yılda meydana gelen gelişmelere dikkat çekilecek olursa; Türkiye?nin ekonomik kalkınmaya başlaması ve bol miktarda dış yatırımlara ihtiyaç duyması aynı zaman da Körfez Arap ülkelerinin kasalarını taşıran nakit fazlasının özellikle 11 eylül saldırılarından sonra yeni ve güvenli limanlar aramaya başlamış olması göze çarpmaktadır. Bu gelişmeler göz önünde bulundurulduğunda Körfez İşbirliği Konseyi?ne üye ülkeler ve Türkiye?nin yakınlaşması çokta sürpriz olarak karşılanmamalıdır. Zira her iki tarafında birbirine farklı nedenlerden dolayı ihtiyaç duyduğu açıkça farkedilebilmektedir. Bununla birlikte Körfez ülkelerinin bölgedeki güvenlik kaygıları bulunmakta ve Türkiye?ye yakınlaşarak bunu kısmen aşmaya çalışmaktadırlar. Özellikle İran bu ülkeler tarafından büyük bir tehdit olarak görülmektedir. Bu noktada Türkiye ve Körfez ülkeleri aynı kaygıları taşımasalar da farklı çıkarlar onları ortak bir noktada buluşturmaktadır. Sonuç olarak son on yılda Türkiye ve Körfez ülkeleri arasında büyük bir yakınlaşma olmuştur. Bu yakınlaşma çok büyük ortaklıkları beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu yakınlaşmayı etkileyen en önemli unsurlar da değişen Türk Dış Politikası ve küresel konjonktürün bu iki tarafı yakınlaşmaya zorlaması denilebilir. Çalışmada da belirtildiği gibi ilişkiler gelişmeye devam etmekte ve ileriki safhalarda ilişkilerin güvenlik ortaklıkları boyutuna taşınıp daha da kökleşeceği öngörülebilmektedir.The Middle East region, as it has been in every stage of history, continues to take an active role without depreciating in the current century. Mankind is by nature a political existence. For that reason, the history or humankind has witnessed various political alliances. The region called as the Middle East had witnessed many political alliances due to the fact that the area is the source of history, civilizations and politics. The fact that Turkey started to develop day by day and play a crucial role in world politics in 21st century leads to interrelations with close regions. In the last decade, in other words after Justice and Development Party came into power; Turkey has gained a great growth rate. However the new master of Turkish Foreign Policy Ahmet Davutoğlu who draw a vision for Turkish Foreign Policy believes that, convergence with the immediate surroundings will help in development and being one of the major players of world politics. As it is explained in this study the last decade has witnessed to a significant convergence between Turkey and the Gulf Cooperation Council states. To examine the last ten years in the world politics one can see that: After the 9/11 attacks GCC states started to look for other safe destinations for their overflowed cashes. However Turkey as an emerging economy needed for foreign investments. These two factors are seen to be drawing force behind the convergence of these entities. In addition to that the threat perception of the GCC states associated from Iran forced them to look for a strategic regional partner. Although Turkey and the GCC do not have common stand towards Iran, their different interests brought them on the ground of convergence. Nevertheless, the new Turkish Foreign Policy perspective and the global conjuncture played a crucial role in convergence of these parties. To consider all, it seems that the bilateral relations will be carried further since both Turkey and the GCC are eager to establish partnership. It is expected that there will be a security partnership established between Turkey and the GCC. If such attempt comes true, definitely the bilateral relations will reside on a steady ground. Key Words: Turkey, GCC, Middle East, Iran, Security, Econom

Successful illicit opium production suppression interventions: a comparative analysis of China, Iran, Turkey, Thailand, Pakistan, Viet Nam and Laos

This study departs from existing scholarship by analysing and documenting nine cases of national ‘success’ to inform three primary objectives: (1) To catalogue cases of success for future reference; (2) To producing ‘lessons’ that may improve the effectiveness of interventions whilst reducing inadvertent negative outcomes; (3) To reconcile the discrepancy between national and international effects of interventions at the source.A comparison of the nine cases of national success found: (1) All governments perceived suppression as in its best interest; (2) All possessed authority throughout opium producing areas; (3) In all but two cases the state offered incentives from which farmers perceived some benefit to the cessation of opium production; (4) All governments possessed the capability to monitor opium farmers; (5) All interventions administered law enforcement. As these five factors presented across all or most cases they can be considered necessary for a successful outcome. Additional factors, which crossed more than one case, were deemed facilitative of the five necessary factors, and included: development-orientated approaches; community punishments; negotiated eradication; and conflict resolution/limitation. The findings suggest that the primary objective when planning a national intervention must be the establishment or maintenance of the five necessary factors. As such, premature eradication - which often deviates from the establishment/maintenance of the five necessary factors - represents an erroneous path, which can be costly in terms of time and resources. The case of Afghanistan is used to further clarify and explore the cross-case findings in a practical context.</div

The Engagement of Philanthropic Foundations in Canadian Public Policy

This dissertation elucidates the policy roles of foundations in Canadian public policy by comparing three case studies at the federal and inter-provincial levels, and across three policy domains, i.e., in fiscal, post-secondary education, and health-research policy. The research method is a comparative, qualitative review of these recent cases informed by semi-structured interviews of over 40 people conducted over 36 months, and document analysis. The three case studies are explored in this research span a period of approximately 30 years, from 1987-2016. The first case considered concerns a tax incentive for donations of capital to charities that was piloted by the federal Liberal government in 1997. Private philanthropic foundations were excluded as qualified recipients for this tax exemption until 2007. Consideration for further extension to the capital gains tax exemption were still underway in 2016 based on the ideas of the original policy entrepreneurs noted in this case. Second, between 1987 and 1998, Crown foundations for provincial universities, including the University of Saskatchewan (U of S), were established across nine provinces in order to take advantage of unique tax structures for this organizational type. Third, in 2006 a partnership between the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (the Gates Foundation) in support of the Canadian HIV Vaccine Initiative (CHVI) was formalized in a memorandum of understanding and publicized at the 16th International AIDS Conference in Toronto. The partnership concluded in 2016, but did not necessarily meet the ambitious objectives that were originally set out. Each of these cases establishes that foundation and third sector policy entrepreneurs use collaborative strategies to increase their policy influence. These research findings indicate that foundations are also increasingly active in Canadian public policy. Across each case, foundations’ roles varied at different stages of the policy cycles. Foundations’ access to government processes was consistently higher at the problem-definition and agenda-setting stages of the cycle. Also in each case, foundations’ impacts on Canadian public policy waned at the policy implementation and evaluation stages. In the Canadian context, foundations’ varying degrees of influence across stages of policy cycles can be attributed to the particular character of the Canadian public and third sectors. Canada’s parliamentary system, the closed fiscal policy regime, and the fragmented nature of oversight and regulation of charities constrain outsider access at the latter stages of policy cycles, thus impeding successful implementation of foundations’ policy agendas. That said, as a result of their entrepreneurialism, foundations’ engagement in Canadian public policy is increasing. The theoretical starting point for this dissertation is John W. Kingdon’s (1995) concept of policy entrepreneurship, although his original conceptualization is expanded to cover the entire policy cycle, rather than just agenda setting. The policy-cycles framework is used to organize the case study materials into straightforward chronological narratives. The main concepts of policy entrepreneurship and the policy-cycles framework are also supplemented with institutionalism. Institutionalism helps to account for the potential differences reported in the existing literature on United States (US) and Canadian think tanks and foundations.