729 research outputs found
Towards a typology of stop assibilation
In this article we propose that there are two universal properties for phonological stop assibilations, namely (i) assibilations cannot be triggered by /i/ unless they are also triggered by /j/, and (ii) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. The article presents typological evidence from assibilations in 45 languages supporting both (i) and (ii). It is argued that assibilations are to be captured in the Optimality Theoretic framework by ranking markedness constraints grounded in perception which penalize sequences like [ti] ahead of a faith constraint which militates against the change from /t/ to some sibilant sound. The occurring language types predicted by (i) and (ii) will be shown to involve permutations of the rankings between several different markedness constraints and the one faith constraint. The article demonstrates that there exist several logically possible assibilation types which are ruled out because they would involve illicit rankings
Palatalization in Romanian β Acoustic properties and perception
This paper presents the results of an acoustic study of fricatives from four places of articulation produced by 31 native speakers of Romanian, as well as those of a perceptual study using the stimuli from the acoustic experiment, allowing for a direct comparison between acoustic properties and perception. It was found that there are greater acoustic differences between plain and palatalized labials and dorsals as compared to coronals. The acoustic results were paralleled by the perceptual findings. This pattern departs from cross-linguistic generalizations made with respect to the properties of secondary palatalization. A likely source of the differences is the fact that previous studies of secondary palatalization typically involved stops which tend to exhibit various enhancement phenomena at the coronal place of articulation. Since the enhancement generally involves additional frication, this is not a useful strategy for fricatives at the coronal, or any other place of articulation. These findings form the basis of a discussion highlighting the differences between enhanced and non-enhanced secondary palatalization
Loan Phonology
For many different reasons, speakers borrow words from other languages to fill gaps in their own lexical inventory. The past ten years have been characterized by a great interest among phonologists in the issue of how the nativization of loanwords occurs. The general feeling is that loanword nativization provides a direct window for observing how acoustic cues are categorized in terms of the distinctive features relevant to the L1 phonological system as well as for studying L1 phonological processes in action and thus to the true synchronic phonology of L1. The collection of essays presented in this volume provides an overview of the complex issues phonologists face when investigating this phenomenon and, more generally, the ways in which unfamiliar sounds and sound sequences are adapted to converge with the native languageβs sound pattern. This book is of interest to theoretical phonologists as well as to linguists interested in language contact phenomena
Speech Recognition
Chapters in the first part of the book cover all the essential speech processing techniques for building robust, automatic speech recognition systems: the representation for speech signals and the methods for speech-features extraction, acoustic and language modeling, efficient algorithms for searching the hypothesis space, and multimodal approaches to speech recognition. The last part of the book is devoted to other speech processing applications that can use the information from automatic speech recognition for speaker identification and tracking, for prosody modeling in emotion-detection systems and in other speech processing applications that are able to operate in real-world environments, like mobile communication services and smart homes
ΠΠΎΠ½ΡΠΎΠ»ΠΈΠ΄Π°ΡΠΈΡΠ° ΡΡΡΠ°Π½Π΄Π°ΡΠ΄ΠΈΠ·Π°ΡΠΈΡΠ΅ ΡΠΎΠΌΡΠΊΠΎΠ³ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊΠ° - ΠΏΡΠΎΡΠ»ΠΎΡΡ, ΡΠ°Π΄Π°ΡΡΠΎΡΡ, Π±ΡΠ΄ΡΡΠ½ΠΎΡΡ ΡΠ· ΠΏΠΎΡΡΠΎΠ²Π°ΡΠ΅ Π΄ΠΈΡΠ°Π»Π΅ΠΊΠ°ΡΡΠΊΠΎΠ³ Π΄ΠΈΠ²Π΅ΡΠ·ΠΈΡΠ΅ΡΠ° ΠΈ ΠΎΠΌΠΎΠ³ΡΡΠ°Π²Π°ΡΠ΅ ΡΠ΅Π΄Π½ΠΎΡΡΠ°Π²Π½Π΅ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΡΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠ΅ Π½Π° ΠΌΠ°ΡΠ΅ΡΡΠΎΠΌ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊΡ ΡΠΈΡΠΎΠΌ ΡΠ²Π΅ΡΠ°
The paper begins with the consideration of the circumstances
in which Romani language is currently being developed, compared to the main
languages in Europe. Furthermore, the paper deals with different stereotypes and
explains the Romani dialectal structure not only from the aspect of heritage and as
a mother tongue, but in the light of the measurement of inter-dialectal involvement
proven by mathematical methods. This process leads to a clear clarification of the
term βdialectβ. The natural occurrence of concepts of common, standard, literary,
national, etc. in language is explained (according to different schools) as well as the
present situation of the Romani language, with a focus on the prospects of its further development (the principle of butterfly) in the social context: the role of parents,
family, church, society, school, media and various institutions in codification and
normalization β also from the aspect of developing brakes. Some didactic tools are
presented as instruments that also contribute to a better understanding of codification
and normalization among Roma, leading to the harmonization of different dialects
in the spirit of mutual respect for diversity. Such endeavors, however, are useless
if they are not understood by users and if they are not really rooted in their culture.
The above elements lead to the problem of direct codification and its connection
with communication, in particular modern communication on social networks and
multiple academic levels β because its ultimate purpose is to provide the Roma with
a widespread modern language, with the ability to express all the nuances of human
thinking. The paper ends with examples of some good practices in Romania and the former Yugoslavia β bearing in mind that negating or destroying one language is only
one element in a wider mechanism of ethnic prejudice against the people speaking it.ΠΡΠΈΠ»ΠΎΠ³ ΠΏΠΎΡΠΈΡΠ΅ ΡΠ°Π·ΠΌΠ°ΡΡΠ°ΡΠ΅ΠΌ ΠΎΠΊΠΎΠ»Π½ΠΎΡΡΠΈ Ρ ΠΊΠΎΡΠΈΠΌΠ° ΡΠ΅ ΡΡΠ΅Π½ΡΡΠ½ΠΎ ΡΠ°Π·Π²ΠΈΡΠ°
ΡΠΎΠΌΡΠΊΠΈ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊ, Ρ ΠΏΠΎΡΠ΅ΡΠ΅ΡΡ ΡΠ° Π³Π»Π°Π²Π½ΠΈΠΌ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΡΠΈΠΌΠ° Ρ ΠΠ²ΡΠΎΠΏΠΈ. ΠΠ°ΡΠ΅ ΡΠ΅ Π±Π°Π²ΠΈ ΡΠ°Π·Π»ΠΈΡΠΈΡΠΈΠΌ ΡΡΠ΅ΡΠ΅ΠΎΡΠΈΠΏΠΈΠΌΠ° ΠΈ ΠΎΠ±ΡΠ°ΡΡΠ°Π²Π° ΡΠΎΠΌΡΠΊΡ Π΄ΠΈΡΠ°Π»Π΅ΠΊΡΠΎΠ»ΠΎΡΠΊΡ ΡΡΡΡΠΊΡΡΡΡ Π½Π΅ ΡΠ°ΠΌΠΎ ΡΠ°
Π°ΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΠ° Π±Π°ΡΡΠΈΠ½Π΅ ΠΈ ΠΊΠ°ΠΎ ΠΌΠ°ΡΠ΅ΡΡΠ΅Π³ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊΠ°, Π²Π΅Ρ ΠΈ Ρ ΡΠ²Π΅ΡΠ»Ρ ΠΌΠ΅ΡΠ΅ΡΠ° ΠΌΠ΅ΡΡΠ΄ΠΈΡΠ°Π»Π΅ΠΊΠ°ΡΡΠΊΠ΅ ΡΠ΄aΡΠ΅Π½ΠΎΡΡΠΈ, Π΄ΠΎΠΊΠ°Π·Π°Π½Π΅ ΠΌΠ°ΡΠ΅ΠΌΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠΊΠΈΠΌ ΠΌΠ΅ΡΠΎΠ΄Π°ΠΌΠ°. Π’Π°Ρ ΠΏΡΠΎΡΠ΅Ρ Π²ΠΎΠ΄ΠΈ Π΄ΠΎ ΡΠ°ΡΠ½ΠΎΠ³
ΡΠ°Π·ΡΠ°ΡΡΠ°Π²Π°ΡΠ° ΠΏΠΎΡΠΌΠ° βΠ΄ΠΈΡΠ°Π»Π΅ΠΊΠ°Ρβ.
ΠΠ±ΡΠ°ΡΡΠ°Π²Π° ΡΠ΅ ΠΏΡΠΈΡΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎ ΠΏΠΎΡΠ°Π²ΡΠΈΠ²Π°ΡΠ΅ ΠΏΠΎΡΠΌΠΎΠ²Π° Π·Π°ΡΠ΅Π΄Π½ΠΈΡΠΊΠΎΠ³, ΡΡΠ°Π½Π΄Π°ΡΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠ³,
ΠΊΡΠΈΠΆΠ΅Π²Π½ΠΎΠ³, Π½Π°ΡΠΈΠΎΠ½Π°Π»Π½ΠΎΠ³ ΠΈΡΠ΄. ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊΠ° (ΠΏΡΠ΅ΠΌΠ° ΡΠ°Π·Π»ΠΈΡΠΈΡΠΈΠΌ ΡΠΊΠΎΠ»Π°ΠΌΠ°) ΠΊΠ°ΠΎ ΠΈ Π΄Π°Π½Π°ΡΡΠ° ΡΠΈΡΡΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠ° ΡΠΎΠΌΡΠΊΠΎΠ³ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊΠ°, ΡΠ° ΡΠΎΠΊΡΡΠΎΠΌ Π½Π° ΠΏΠ΅ΡΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΠΈΠ²Π΅ ΡΠ΅Π³ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠ³ Π΄Π°ΡΠ΅Π³ ΡΠ°Π·Π²ΠΎΡΠ° (βΠΏΡΠΈΠ½ΡΠΈΠΏ Π»Π΅ΠΏΡΠΈΡΠ°β) Ρ Π΄ΡΡΡΡΠ²Π΅Π½ΠΎΠΌ ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΡΠ΅ΠΊΡΡΡ: ΡΠ»ΠΎΠ³Π° ΡΠΎΠ΄ΠΈΡΠ΅ΡΠ°, ΠΏΠΎΡΠΎΠ΄ΠΈΡΠ΅,
ΡΡΠΊΠ²Π΅, Π΄ΡΡΡΡΠ²Π°, ΡΠΊΠΎΠ»Π΅, ΠΌΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΡΠ° ΠΈ ΡΠ°Π·Π½ΠΈΡ
ΠΈΠ½ΡΡΠΈΡΡΡΠΈΡΠ° Ρ ΠΊΠΎΠ΄ΠΈΡΠΈΠΊΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠΈ ΠΈ Π½ΠΎΡΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΈΠ·Π°ΡΠΈΡΠΈ β ΡΠ°ΠΊΠΎΡΠ΅ ΡΠ° Π°ΡΠΏΠ΅ΠΊΡΠ° ΠΊΠΎΡΠ½ΠΈΡΠ° Ρ ΡΠ°Π·Π²ΠΎΡΡ.
ΠΠ΅ΠΊΠΈ Π΄ΠΈΠ΄Π°ΠΊΡΠΈΡΠΊΠΈ Π°Π»Π°ΡΠΈ ΡΡ ΠΏΡΠ΅Π΄ΡΡΠ°Π²ΡΠ΅Π½ΠΈ ΠΊΠ°ΠΎ ΠΈΠ½ΡΡΡΡΠΌΠ΅Π½ΡΠΈ ΠΊΠΎΡΠΈ ΡΠ°ΠΊΠΎΡΠ΅
Π΄ΠΎΠΏΡΠΈΠ½ΠΎΡΠ΅ Π±ΠΎΡΠ΅ΠΌ ΡΠ°Π·ΡΠΌΠ΅Π²Π°ΡΡ ΠΊΠΎΠ΄ΠΈΡΠΈΠΊΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠ΅ ΠΈ Π½ΠΎΡΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΈΠ·Π°ΡΠΈΡΠ΅ ΠΌΠ΅ΡΡ Π ΠΎΠΌΠΈΠΌΠ°,
ΡΡΠΎ Π²ΠΎΠ΄ΠΈ Π΄ΠΎ Ρ
Π°ΡΠΌΠΎΠ½ΠΈΠ·Π°ΡΠΈΡΠ΅ ΡΠ°Π·Π»ΠΈΡΠΈΡΠΈΡ
Π½Π°ΡΠ΅ΡΡΠ° Ρ Π΄ΡΡ
Ρ ΠΌΠ΅ΡΡΡΠΎΠ±Π½ΠΎΠ³ ΠΏΠΎΡΡΠΎΠ²Π°ΡΠ°
ΡΠ°Π·Π»ΠΈΡΠΈΡΠΎΡΡΠΈ. Π’Π°ΠΊΠ²ΠΈ ΡΡ ΠΏΠΎΠ΄ΡΡ
Π²Π°ΡΠΈ ΠΈΠΏΠ°ΠΊ Π±Π΅ΡΠΊΠΎΡΠΈΡΠ½ΠΈ Π°ΠΊΠΎ ΠΈΡ
Π½Π΅ ΡΠ°Π·ΡΠΌΠ΅ΡΡ ΠΊΠΎΡΠΈΡΠ½ΠΈΡΠΈ ΠΈ Π°ΠΊΠΎ Π½ΠΈΡΡ ΡΡΠ²Π°ΡΠ½ΠΎ ΡΠΊΠΎΡΠ΅ΡΠ΅Π½ΠΈ Ρ ΡΠΈΡ
ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΡ ΠΊΡΠ»ΡΡΡΠΈ.
ΠΠ°Π²Π΅Π΄Π΅Π½ΠΈ Π΅Π»Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π½ΡΠΈ Π΄ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠ΄Π΅ Π΄ΠΎ ΠΏΡΠΎΠ±Π»Π΅ΠΌΠ° Π΄ΠΈΡΠ΅ΠΊΡΠ½Π΅ ΠΊΠΎΠ΄ΠΈΡΠΈΠΊΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠ΅ ΠΈ ΡΠ΅Π½ΠΈΡ
Π²Π΅Π·Π° ΡΠ° ΠΊΠΎΠΌΡΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠΎΠΌ, Π½Π°ΡΠΎΡΠΈΡΠΎ ΠΌΠΎΠ΄Π΅ΡΠ½ΠΎΠΌ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΡΠ½ΠΈΠΊΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠΎΠΌ Π½Π° Π΄ΡΡΡΡΠ²Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΌ
ΠΌΡΠ΅ΠΆΠ°ΠΌΠ° ΠΈ ΡΠ°Π·Π½ΠΈΠΌ Π°ΠΊΠ°Π΄Π΅ΠΌΡΠΊΠΈΠΌ Π½ΠΈΠ²ΠΎΠΈΠΌΠ° β Π·Π°ΡΠΎ ΡΡΠΎ ΡΠ΅ ΡΠ΅Π½Π° ΠΊΡΠ°ΡΡΠ° ΡΠ²ΡΡ
Π° Π΄Π°
Π ΠΎΠΌΠΈΠΌΠ° ΠΏΡΡΠΆΠΈ ΡΠΈΡΠΎΠΊΠΎ ΡΠ°ΡΠΏΡΠΎΡΡΡΠ°ΡΠ΅Π½ ΠΌΠΎΠ΄Π΅ΡΠ°Π½ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊ ΡΠΏΠΎΡΠΎΠ±Π°Π½ Π΄Π° ΠΈΠ·ΡΠ°Π·ΠΈ ΡΠ²Π΅
Π½ΠΈΡΠ°Π½ΡΠ΅ ΡΡΠ΄ΡΠΊΠΎΠ³ ΠΌΠΈΡΡΠ΅ΡΠ°. ΠΡΠ΅Π·Π΅Π½ΡΠ°ΡΠΈΡΠ° ΡΠ΅ Π·Π°Π²ΡΡΠ°Π²Π° ΠΏΡΠΈΠΌΠ΅ΡΠΈΠΌΠ° Π½Π΅ΠΊΠΈΡ
Π΄ΠΎΠ±ΡΠΈΡ
ΠΏΡΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈ Ρ Π ΡΠΌΡΠ½ΠΈΡΠΈ ΠΈ Π±ΠΈΠ²ΡΠΎΡ ΠΡΠ³ΠΎΡΠ»Π°Π²ΠΈΡΠΈ β ΠΈΠΌΠ°ΡΡΡΠΈ Ρ Π²ΠΈΠ΄Ρ Π΄Π° ΡΠ΅ Π½Π΅Π³ΠΈΡΠ°ΡΠ΅ ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ
ΡΠ½ΠΈΡΡΠ°Π²Π°ΡΠ΅ ΡΠ΅Π΄Π½ΠΎΠ³ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊΠ° ΡΠ°ΠΌΠΎ ΡΠ΅Π΄Π°Π½ Π΅Π»Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ Ρ ΡΠΈΡΠ΅ΠΌ ΠΌΠ΅Ρ
Π°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΡ Π΅ΡΠ½ΠΈΡΠΊΠΈΡ
ΠΏΡΠ΅Π΄ΡΠ°ΡΡΠ΄Π° ΠΏΡΠΎΡΠΈΠ² Π½Π°ΡΠΎΠ΄Π° ΠΊΠΎΡΠΈ Π΄Π°ΡΠΈΠΌ ΡΠ΅Π·ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠΌ Π³ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΡΠΈ.ΠΠ°ΡΡΠ½ΠΈ ΡΠΊΡΠΏΠΎΠ²ΠΈ ; ΡΠΎΠΌ 175 / Π‘ΡΠΏΡΠΊΠ° Π°ΠΊΠ°Π΄Π΅ΠΌΠΈΡΠ° Π½Π°ΡΠΊΠ° ΠΈ ΡΠΌΠ΅ΡΠ½ΠΎΡΡΠΈ. ΠΠ΄Π΅ΡΠ΅ΡΠ΅ Π΄ΡΡΡΡΠ²Π΅Π½ΠΈΡ
Π½Π°ΡΠΊΠ° ; ΠΊΡ. 4
RSS-TOBI - a Prosodically Enhanced Romanian Speech Corpus
This paper introduces a recent development of a Romanian Speech corpus to include prosodic annotations of the speech data in the form of ToBI labels. We describe the methodology of determining the required pitch patterns that are common for the Romanian language, annotate the speech resource, and then provide a comparison of two text-to-speech synthesis systems to establish the benefits of using this type of information to our speech resource. The result is a publicly available speech dataset which can be used to further develop speech synthesis systems or to automatically learn the prediction of ToBI labels from text in Romanian language
Lexical and postlexical prominence in Tashlhiyt Berber and Moroccan Arabic
Tashlhiyt Berber (Afro-Asiatic, Berber) and Moroccan Arabic (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic), two languages spoken in Morocco, have been in contact for over 1200 years. The influence of Berber languages on the lexicon and the segmental-phonological structure of Moroccan Arabic is well-documented, whereas possible similarities in the prosodic-phonological domain have not yet been addressed in detail.
This thesis brings together evidence from production and perception to bear on the question whether Tashlhiyt Berber and Moroccan Arabic also exhibit convergence in the domain of phonological prominence.
Experimental results are interpreted as showing that neither language has lexical prominence asymmetries in the form of lexical stress. This lack of stress in Moroccan Arabic is unlike the undisputed presence of lexical stress in most other varieties of Arabic, which in turn suggests that this aspect of the phonology of Moroccan Arabic has resulted from contact with (Tashlhiyt) Berber.
A further, theoretical contribution is made with respect to the possible correspondence between lexical and postlexical prominence structure from a typological point of view. One of the tenets of the Autosegmental Metrical approach to intonation analysis holds that prominence-marking intonational events (pitch accents) associate with lexically stressed syllables. Exactly how prominence marking is achieved in languages that lack lexical stress is little-understood, and this thesis' discussion of postlexical prominence in Tashlhiyt Berber and Moroccan Arabic provides new insights that bear on this topic.
A first set of production experiments investigates, for both languages, if there are acoustic correlates to what some researchers have considered to be lexically stressed syllables. It is shown that neither language exhibits consistent acoustic enhancement of presumed stressed syllables relative to unstressed syllables.
The second set of production experiments reports on the prosodic characteristics of question word interrogatives in both languages. It is shown that question words are the locus of postlexical prominence-marking events that however do not exhibit association to a sub-lexical phonological unit.
A final perception experiment serves the goal of showing how native speakers of Tashlhiyt Berber and Moroccan Arabic deal with the encoding of a postlexical prominence contrast that is parasitic on a lexical prominence contrast. This is achieved by means of a 'stress deafness' experiment, the results of which show that speakers of neither language can reliably encode a lexically-specified prominence difference.
Results from all three types of experiment thus converge in suggesting that lexical prominence asymmetries are not specified in the phonology of either language
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