Making Code Voting Secure against Insider Threats using Unconditionally Secure MIX Schemes and Human PSMT Protocols

Code voting was introduced by Chaum as a solution for using a possibly infected-by-malware device to cast a vote in an electronic voting application. Chaum's work on code voting assumed voting codes are physically delivered to voters using the mail system, implicitly requiring to trust the mail system. This is not necessarily a valid assumption to make - especially if the mail system cannot be trusted. When conspiring with the recipient of the cast ballots, privacy is broken. It is clear to the public that when it comes to privacy, computers and "secure" communication over the Internet cannot fully be trusted. This emphasizes the importance of using: (1) Unconditional security for secure network communication. (2) Reduce reliance on untrusted computers. In this paper we explore how to remove the mail system trust assumption in code voting. We use PSMT protocols (SCN 2012) where with the help of visual aids, humans can carry out $\mod 10$ addition correctly with a 99\% degree of accuracy. We introduce an unconditionally secure MIX based on the combinatorics of set systems. Given that end users of our proposed voting scheme construction are humans we \emph{cannot use} classical Secure Multi Party Computation protocols. Our solutions are for both single and multi-seat elections achieving: \begin{enumerate}[i)] \item An anonymous and perfectly secure communication network secure against a $t$-bounded passive adversary used to deliver voting, \item The end step of the protocol can be handled by a human to evade the threat of malware. \end{enumerate} We do not focus on active adversaries

Distributed Protocols at the Rescue for Trustworthy Online Voting

While online services emerge in all areas of life, the voting procedure in many democracies remains paper-based as the security of current online voting technology is highly disputed. We address the issue of trustworthy online voting protocols and recall therefore their security concepts with its trust assumptions. Inspired by the Bitcoin protocol, the prospects of distributed online voting protocols are analysed. No trusted authority is assumed to ensure ballot secrecy. Further, the integrity of the voting is enforced by all voters themselves and without a weakest link, the protocol becomes more robust. We introduce a taxonomy of notions of distribution in online voting protocols that we apply on selected online voting protocols. Accordingly, blockchain-based protocols seem to be promising for online voting due to their similarity with paper-based protocols

Diasporas and democratization in the post-communist world

If diaspora communities are socialized with democratic values in Western societies, they could be expected to be sympathetic to the democratization of their home countries. However, there is a high degree of variation in their behavior. Contrary to the predominant understanding in the literature that diasporas act in exclusively nationalist ways, this article argues that they do engage with the democratization of their home countries. Various challenges to the sovereignty of their homelands explain whether diasporas involve with procedural or liberal aspects of democratization. Drawing evidence from the activities of the Ukrainian, Serbian, Albanian and Armenian diasporas after the end of communism, I argue that unless diasporas are linked to home countries that enjoy both international legal and domestic sovereignty, they will involve only with procedural aspects of democratization. Diasporas filter international pressure to democratize post-communist societies by utilizing democratic procedures to advance unresolved nationalist goals

Democratic dawn? : Civil society and elections in Myanmar 2010 – 2012

While the general elections in Myanmar in November 2010 were widely condemned, both national and international actors approached the by-elections of April 2012 as a political rite-de-passage to improve relations between the government and the opposition inside, and between the former pariah state and the international community outside the country. An undercurrent to the government-led transition process from an authoritarian to a formally more democratic regime was the development of a politically oriented civil society that found ways to engage in the electoral process. This article describes the emerging spaces of election-related civil society activism in the forms of civic and voter education, national election observation, and election-related agency in the media. Noting that, in particular, election observation offers connections for civil society to regional and international debates, the paper draws preliminary conclusions about further developments ahead of the general elections in Myanmar expected for 2015

Vote-Buying and Reciprocity

While vote-buying is common, little is known about how politicians determine who to target. We argue that vote-buying can be sustained by an internalized norm of reciprocity. Receiving money engenders feelings of obligation. Combining survey data on vote-buying with an experiment-based measure of reciprocity, we show that politicians target reciprocal individuals. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of social preferences in determining political behavior.vote-buying, reciprocity, redistributive politics, voting, social preferences

Internet Censorship: An Integrative Review of Technologies Employed to Limit Access to the Internet, Monitor User Actions, and their Effects on Culture

The following conducts an integrative review of the current state of Internet Censorship in China, Iran, and Russia, highlights common circumvention technologies (CTs), and analyzes the effects Internet Censorship has on cultures. The author spends a large majority of the paper delineating China’s Internet infrastructure and prevalent Internet Censorship Technologies/Techniques (ICTs), paying particular attention to how the ICTs function at a technical level. The author further analyzes the state of Internet Censorship in both Iran and Russia from a broader perspective to give a better understanding of Internet Censorship around the globe. The author also highlights specific CTs, explaining how they function at a technical level. Findings indicate that among all three nation-states, state control of Internet Service Providers is the backbone of Internet Censorship. Specifically, within China, it is discovered that the infrastructure functions as an Intranet, thereby creating a closed system. Further, BGP Hijacking, DNS Poisoning, and TCP RST attacks are analyzed to understand their use-case within China. It is found that Iran functions much like a weaker version of China in regards to ICTs, with the state seemingly using the ICT of Bandwidth Throttling rather consistently. Russia’s approach to Internet censorship, in stark contrast to Iran and China, is found to rely mostly on the legislative system and fear to implement censorship, though their technical level of ICT implementation grows daily. TOR, VPNs, and Proxy Servers are all analyzed and found to be robust CTs. Drawing primarily from the examples given throughout the paper, the author highlights the various effects of Internet Censorship on culture – noting that at its core, Internet Censorship destroys democracy

Occupy Wall Street: The movement in its third anniversary

Peer-reviewedThe emergence of networked social movements in 2011 has opened a new door in the social movements' literature. By adopting a technopolitical and situated approach, in this paper, we explore the case of the Occupy Wall Street movement three years after its formation in September 2011. Through an online survey and a nonprobabilistic sampling procedure, we pay special attention to the perceptions and opinions of the movement's participants. We distinguish seven thematic sections: the relationship with the movement, previous political participation and motivations, the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs), the emotions experienced, the evolution of the movement, its influence on institutional politics, and its impacts on several aspects of social life. The results show that the respondents (N=522) are overall adherent to the movement and that the majority participated at some point. Most think that the movement still exists in one way or another, and perceive its impact on several areas, institutions, behaviours, and ideas. We conclude by describing OWS as a case that adequately fits the concept of a networked social movement. Finally, we suggest further developments in the understanding of these movements by further applying the online survey designed for this study and complementing analyses via other research methods.La aparición de los movimientos sociales en red en 2011 ha abierto una nueva puerta en la literatura de los movimientos sociales. Al adoptar un enfoque tecnopolítico y situado, en este documento, exploramos el caso del movimiento Occupy Wall Street tres años después de su creación en septiembre de 2011. A través de una encuesta en línea y un procedimiento de muestreo no probabilístico, prestamos especial atención a las percepciones y opiniones de los participantes del movimiento. Distinguimos siete secciones temáticas: la relación con el movimiento, la participación y motivaciones políticas previas, el uso de las tecnologías de información y comunicación (TIC), las emociones experimentadas, la evolución del movimiento, su influencia en la política institucional y sus impactos en varios aspectos de la vida social. Los resultados muestran que los encuestados (N = 522) se adhieren en general al movimiento y que la mayoría participó en algún momento. La mayoría piensa que el movimiento todavía existe de una forma u otra, y perciben su impacto en varias áreas, instituciones, comportamientos e ideas. Concluimos describiendo OWS como un caso que encaja adecuadamente con el concepto de un movimiento social en red. Finalmente, sugerimos desarrollos adicionales en la comprensión de estos movimientos mediante la aplicación de la encuesta en línea diseñada para este estudio y complementando los análisis a través de otros métodos de investigación.L'aparició dels moviments socials en xarxa en 2011 ha obert una nova porta en la literatura dels moviments socials. En adoptar un enfocament tecnopolítico i situat, en aquest document, explorem el cas del moviment Occupy Wall Street tres anys després de la seva creació al setembre de 2011. A través d'una enquesta en línia i un procediment de mostreig no probabilístic, prestem especial atenció a les percepcions i opinions dels participants del moviment. Distingim set seccions temàtiques: la relació amb el moviment, la participació i motivacions polítiques prèvies, l'ús de les tecnologies d'informació i comunicació (TIC), les emocions experimentades, l'evolució del moviment, la seva influència en la política institucional i els seus impactes en diversos aspectes de la vida social. Els resultats mostren que els enquestats (N = 522) s'adhereixen en general al moviment i que la majoria va participar en algun moment. La majoria pensa que el moviment encara existeix d'una forma o una altra, i perceben el seu impacte a diverses àrees, institucions, comportaments i idees. Concloem descrivint OWS com un cas que encaixa adequadament amb el concepte d'un moviment social en xarxa. Finalment, suggerim desenvolupaments addicionals en la comprensió d'aquests moviments mitjançant l'aplicació de l'enquesta en línia dissenyada per a aquest estudi i complementant les anàlisis a través d'altres mètodes de recerca