Strange Encounter of the Third Kind: W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James and Western Civilisation

In this paper the author takes issue with the notion of the Black Atlantic as discussed by the British scholar Paul Gilroy. While sympathising with the overall perspective it criticises Gilroy's uncritical, almost iconographic, approach to black intellectual celebrities such as W. E. B. Du Bois and C. L. R. James and particularly their discussion of Marxist tropes and communist politics

Between pragmatism and the defence of a “Sister State” : the national association for the advancement of colored people and the U.S. occupation of Haiti, 1915-1922

À l’origine, la nouvelle concernant l’occupation américaine d’Haïti en 1915 a suscité peu d’indignation aux États-Unis. En effet, on reproche à la république son instabilité politique et on juge aussi qu’une intervention américaine concourrait à l’édifice de l’autorité de la loi. À partir de 1915 et surtout en 1920, l’Association nationale pour l’avancement des gens de couleur (NAACP), fondée en 1909, critique cette ingérence et milite pour y voir un terme. W.E. B. Du Bois et James Weldon Johnson, deux figures publiques noires importantes travaillant au sein de l’organisation, dénoncent avec conviction l’occupation d’Haïti. Les historiens ont jusqu’ici jugé que la NAACP fut inspirée par des considérations de solidarité raciale en adhérant à la cause de la souveraineté haïtienne. Si la thèse présente ne réfute pas cette possibilité, elle cherche tout de même à démontrer que le cadre conceptuel de la solidarité raciale ne saurait illustrer toute la complexité de la campagne haïtienne érigée par la NAACP. Par conséquent, une attention dirigée davantage sur le contexte social et politique américain entre 1915 et 1922 révèle que pour la NAACP, la dénonciation de l’occupation américaine d’Haïti représentait d’une part une opportunité de discuter des problèmes sociaux touchant les Afro-Américains, et d’autre part, une occasion de renforcer sa position aux États-Unis.Initially, the news of the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 generated little concern in the United States. Indeed, Haiti’s political instability made it such that a U.S. intervention seemed unavoidable. As of 1915 and especially 1920, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, denounced the U.S. interference in the Caribbean island. W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson, two of the association’s most influential black members, were deeply invested in condemning the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Historiographical tendencies have long located the NAACP’s engagement with Haiti in a conversation about black solidarity, but have failed to adequately consider the local politics that may have inspired the NAACP’s work. While this thesis does not refute the importance of black solidarity, it does recognise the limits of this conceptual approach in trying to explain the complexity of the NAACP’s work on the behalf of Haiti’s sovereignty. Placing more attention on the social and political context in the United States between 1915 and 1922 reveals that the NAACP utilised the occupation of Haiti as a means of attracting broader attention to domestic issues affecting black Americans, but also as a means of reinforcing the organisation’s own profile in the United States

Transitional Justice’s Expanding Empire: Reasserting the Value of the Paradigmatic Transition?

Cada vegada més, els estudis sobre la justícia transicional s'apliquen als processos de veritat, restauració i responsabilitat en contextos molt allunyats de les transicions paradigmàtiques des de l'autoritarisme o la guerra a una democràcia relativament liberal en què aquest camp de recerca es basava inicialment. En un moment en què la justícia transicional s'avalua amb un rigor més gran, resulta preocupant que les valoracions de la seva vàlua es puguin veure excessivament afectades per la dependència de circumstàncies no transicionals de democràcies establertes, conflictes en curs o l'autoritarisme. La comprensió empírica sistemàtica del valor de la justícia transicional es veu esbiaixada quan es posa un pes excessiu en els mecanismes que tenen lloc en contextos favorables en què les circumstàncies polítiques o econòmiques són tan avançades que els mecanismes tenen molt poca importància causal per a un procés en curs de reforma política, civil i (possiblement) econòmica, o bé en contextos massa adversos per a res que pugui portar a una conclusió liberalitzadora o de construcció de la pau (per exemple, quan hi ha una guerra en curs o sota un règim autoritari). Tot i que aquest article accepta que és possible utilitzar els mecanismes de la justícia transicional per a millorar les condicions sota un règim autoritari o en contextos de guerra i per a potenciar l'imperi de la llei, el desenvolupament i els drets humans en estats ja compromesos amb la democràcia liberal, l'impacte de la justícia transicional en aquestes circumstàncies no paradigmàtiques es veurà limitat a causa de la debilitat del compromís de l'estat per millorar les condicions societàries en el primer cas i a causa de la força preexistent del compromís en el segon. Manté que cal distingir entre la justícia transicional i l'ús dels mecanismes de la justícia transicional.Transitional justice studies increasingly apply to processes of truth, restoration and accountability in contexts far removed from the paradigmatic transitions from authoritarianism or war to relatively liberal democracy on which the field was initially based. At a time when transitional justice is being evaluated with greater stringency, it is worrying that assessments of its worth might be unduly coloured by reliance on non-transitional circumstances of established democracies or ongoing conflicts or authoritarianism. A systematic empirical understanding of the value of transitional justice is skewed when undue weight is given to mechanisms applied in favourable contexts. This may be where political or economic circumstances are so advanced that the mechanisms have little causal significance to an ongoing process of political, civil and (possibly) economic reform, or in contexts too inimical to anything approaching a liberalising or peace-building conclusion (e.g. when it takes place while war is ongoing or within an authoritarian regime). The article accepts that transitional justice mechanisms can be used to improve conditions under authoritarianism or war and can augment the rule of law, development and human rights in states that are already committed to liberal democracy. However, its impact in these non-paradigmatic circumstances will be limited because of the weakness of the state’s commitment to improving societal conditions in the former and the pre-existing strength of the commitment in the latter. It argues that there is a distinction between transitional justice and the use of transitional justice mechanisms.La erudición de la justicia transicional se aplica cada vez más a procesos de veracidad, restauración y responsabilidad en contextos muy alejados de las transiciones paradigmáticas del autoritarismo o la guerra a la relativamente democracia liberal sobre la que se basó inicialmente el campo. En un momento en el que la justicia transicional se está evaluando con más rigor, es preocupante que las valoraciones de su valor puedan estar excesivamente afectadas por la dependencia de circunstancias no transitorias de democracias establecidas, conflictos actuales o autoritarismo. El conocimiento empírico sistemático del valor de la justicia transicional está sesgado cuando se concede un peso indebido a mecanismos que se producen en contextos favorables en los que las circunstancias políticas o económicas son tan avanzadas que los mecanismos tienen poca significación causal para un proceso en curso de reforma política, civil y (posiblemente) económica, o en contextos demasiado hostiles para cualquier cosa cercana a una conclusión liberalizadora o de construcción de la paz (por ejemplo, cuando tiene lugar mientras la guerra está en curso o en un régimen autoritario). Si bien en el artículo se acepta que los mecanismos de justicia transicional pueden usarse para mejorar las condiciones bajo el autoritarismo o la guerra y pueden aumentar el Estado de derecho, el desarrollo y los derechos humanos en estados que ya están comprometidos con la democracia liberal, el impacto de la justicia transicional en esas circunstancias no paradigmáticas será limitado a causa de la debilidad del compromiso del estado a la mejora de las condiciones de la sociedad en el primero y de la fuerza preexistente del compromiso en el último. Sostiene que hay una diferencia entre la justicia transicional y el uso de los mecanismos de la misma

Anti-imperial world politics: race, class, and internationalism in the making of post-colonial order

Why did many ‘black’ anti-imperial thinkers and leaders articulate projects for colonial freedom based in transnational identities and solidarities? This thesis excavates a discourse of anti-imperial globalism, which helped shape world politics from the early to late 20th century. Although usually reduced to the anticolonial nationalist politics of sovereignty and recognition, this study interprets ‘anti-imperialism globalism from below’ as a transnational counter-discourse, primarily concerned with social justice, social freedom, and equality. Anti-imperial globalism emerged and changed in response to developing world events, but it was also shaped by boundary-crossing discourses. One discourse understood global progress as dependent on the ability of different societies to unite through large-scale organisation and political integration. These political visions – which were often articulated as ‘federation’ – were enabled, but ultimately limited, by a second dominant discourse of racial hierarchy and race development. I argue that anti-imperial strategies changed throughout the 20th century not because the hierarchical relations of empire were defeated, but because empire was able to rehabilitate itself according to more ethno-culturally inclusive principles of global governance. This thesis makes two contributions to existing literature. Firstly, it builds on recent debates concerning empire, decolonisation, and world order. Empire is usually conceptualised as one polity’s alien rule over another, or, along with nation-states and international institutions, another type of unitary actor. This effectively flattens imperial relations into a coloniser/colonised binary, and relegates them to a distant, deniable past which predated the post-1945 nation-state system. Tracing the histories of men and women who struggled against empire reveals it as a productive and adaptable form of transnational power, which created stratified yet lasting social identities. Secondly, in pursuing this historical-relational approach to empire and race, this study offers an alternative to sovereignty and recognition based models of state, political community, and world order

South Asian mobilisation in two northern cities: a comparison of Manchester and Bradford Asian youth movements

Anti-racist movements develop and maintain their energy through the establishment of local, grass root networks. To date, research on the anti-racist movement in Britain has focussed on the creation of national narratives that highlight the power and influence of the movement. This article compares two of the Asian Youth movements that operated in the late 1970s and early 1980s to explore the importance of investigating localised settings when researching the history and impact of the antiracist movement as a whole. Oral histories and documents produced by the Asian Youth Movements are used to reflect and understand how the organisations operated and developed differently, highlighting the influence of specific urban environments which affected local migratory experiences and therefore the makeup and operations of the movements themselves