47 research outputs found
Comparative Analysis of Data Security and Cloud Storage Models Using NSL KDD Dataset
Cloud computing is becoming increasingly important in many enterprises, and researchers are focusing on safeguarding cloud computing. Due to the extensive variety of service options it offers, A significant amount of interest from the scientific community has been focused on cloud computing. The two biggest problems with cloud computing are security and privacy. The key challenge is maintaining privacy, which expands rapidly with the number of users. A perfect security system must efficiently ensure each security aspect. This study provides a literature review illustrating the security in the cloud with respect to privacy, integrity, confidentiality and availability, and it also provides a comparison table illustrating the differences between various security and storage models with respect to the approaches and components of the models offered. This study also compares Naïve Bayes and SVM on the accuracy, recall and precision metrics using the NSL KDD dataset
Australian votes in the making: a critical review of voter behaviour research in Australia
Raphaella Kathryn Crosby conducted a critical review of the theory and method of voter behaviour research, with a focus on the 2019 Australian federal election. She found there was little agreement or consensus among the research, and no common narrative of the election. Using a Grounded Theory approach she identified five distinct battlegrounds of the 2019 election, and proposed two new theories to explain seemingly illogical voter behaviour
Warhogs: A History of War Profits in America
The Puritans condemned war profiteering as a Provoking Evil, George Washington feared that it would ruin the Revolution, and Franklin D. Roosevelt promised many times that he would never permit the rise of another crop of war millionaires. Yet on every occasion that American soldiers and sailors served and sacrificed in the field and on the sea, other Americans cheerfully enhanced their personal wealth by exploiting every opportunity that wartime circumstances presented.
In Warhogs, Stuart D. Brandes masterfully blends intellectual, economic, and military history into a fascinating discussion of a great moral question for generations of Americans: Can some individuals rightly profit during wartime while others sacrifice their lives to protect the nation?
Drawing upon a wealth of manuscript sources, newspapers, contemporary periodicals, government reports, and other relevant literature, Brandes traces how each generation in financing its wars has endeavored to assemble resources equitably, to define the ethical questions of economic mobilization, and to manage economic sacrifice responsibly. He defines profiteering to include such topics as price gouging, quality degradation, trading with the enemy, plunder, and fraud, in order to examine the different guises of war profits and the degree to which they have existed from one era to the next.
This far-reaching discussion moves beyond a linear narrative of the financial schemes that have shaped this nation\u27s capacity to make war to an in-depth analysis of American thought and culture. Those scholars, students, and general readers interested in the interaction of legislative, economic, social, and technological events with the military establishment will find no other study that so thoroughly surveys the story of war profits in America.
Stuart D. Brandes is professor of history at the University of Wisconsin-Rock County.
Stuart D. Brandes has written a solid, thoroughly researched, and exceedingly unemotional and restrained history of a neglected subject, carrying it through World War II with a limited consideration of the Cold War. . . . [H]is book is not to be ignored by either economic or military historians. —American Historical Review
Offers a treasure of information on greed and selfishness during crises in America. —Reviews in American History
A valuable addition to the historiography of the United States munitions industry and its relationship to American democracy and capitalism. —Journal of Southwest Georgia History
The only comprehensive attempt to deal with the many facets of government contracting during time of military crisis through World War II. . . . This balanced account is must reading for anyone interested in American military history. —Military History of the West
Stuart D. Brandes is the first scholar to tackle the complex and ever-shifting issue of war profits across nearly the entire scope of American history. This highly readable narrative asks the right questions and supplies cogent, well-reasoned answers based on impressive research and careful reflection. —Daniel E. Sutherlandhttps://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_united_states_history/1106/thumbnail.jp
Protest and the Politics of Signification in Post-Revolutionary Egypt
This dissertation examines the issue of mobilisation in the context of authoritarian contraction through the lenses of hegemony theory. It explores the shifting coali-tions of contenders in Egypt since the 2013 military coup and their contending conceptions of political legitimacy. Its conceptual perspective is defined by the realisation that processes of social mobilisation are contingent on the dynamics of interaction between political contenders. This interaction takes place on the streets between demonstrators and police forces, and it takes place on a discursive level where contenders articulate competing narratives about contentious events in an attempt to establish hegemony for their reading of social reality. I argue that the trajectory of mobilisation and opportunities for cross-movement alliance building, as well as the scale of repression wielded by authorities against their contenders heavily depend on the outcome of this latter, discursive struggle. Ac-cordingly, in this dissertation project I investigate the unfolding waves of mobili-sation in post-coup Egypt in a nested research design that combines quantitative protest event analysis with in-depth qualitative analysis of the contested discours-es about events on the ground. By tracking the contentious dynamics in Egypt with the proposed analytical focus from the 2013 Tamarod-uprising, over the An-ti-Coup campaign against the deposition of President Mursi, to the restoration of an authoritarian order under the aegis of General Al-Sisi and, finally, to the 2016 Tiran and Sanafir island protests, I highlight the impact of shifts in the discursive architecture of contentious politics on the conditions of possibility and the oppor-tunity structures for both, resistance and repression. The aim of investigating pro-cesses of political contestation both in the discursive and the performative arena is to illustrate how the narratives established around contentious events crucially account for variances in the reaction of movements to regime action, of regimes to mobilisation, and of the broader public to the means by which these principal contenders interact with each other to achieve their goals—for instance, by esca-lating collective action and radicalising repertoires, or by restricting civil liberties and deploying state violence against protesters. Ultimately, this thesis thus at-tempts to map Egypt’s contentious politics in the first years of Al-Sisi’s reign. By systematically linking the performative and the discursive in an analytical frame-work informed by discourse theory and relational approaches of social movement studies, I propose an integrated approach to the study of contentious politics—one that 30 years after the cultural turn in the study of contention is still lacking.Diese Dissertation befasst sich aus hegemonie-theoretischer Perspektive mit poli-tischen Mobilisierungsprozessen im Kontext der autoritären Regression in Ägyp-ten. Ihr Schwerpunkt liegt auf den seit dem Militärputsch 2013 mehrfach wech-selnden politischen Allianzen und ihren umkämpften Auffassungen von politi-scher Legitimität. Die Arbeit fußt auf der Prämisse, dass Prozesse politischer Mo-bilisierung, sowohl seitens sozialer Bewegungen als auch staatlicher Akteure, nicht durch uni¬direktionale Kausalzusammenhänge erklärbar sind, sondern von den Mikrodynamiken sozialer Interaktion zwischen politischen Wettstreitern ab-hängen. Diese Interaktion findet einerseits auf einer performativen Ebene statt, etwa zwischen Polizisten und Demonstrierenden bei Straßenprotesten. Parallel dazu zeichnen sich politische Konflikte aber auch auf einer diskursiven Ebene ab, wo politische Rivalen um die Deutungshoheit über eben jene Protestereignisse ringen. Ausgehend von einer hegemonietheoretischen Betrachtung dieses diskur-siven Wettstreits zeigt die vorliegende Arbeit, wie sich beide Ebenen gegenseitig bedingen. Im Kern wird dabei argumentiert, dass Entwicklungsverlauf und Er-folgsaussichten sozialer Mobilisierung in Ägypten seit der militärischen Macht-übernahme sowie die Gelegenheiten für die Allianzbildung verschiedener wider-ständigen Akteure gleichermaßen von der faktischen Beschaffenheit und der dis-kursiven Darstellung von Protest- und Repressionsereignissen abhingen. Die Analyse mehrerer Protest- und Repressionswellen in Ägypten zwischen 2013 und 2016 stützt sich auf ein integriertes Forschungsdesign, welches quantitative Mess-verfahren zur Erfassung von Protestereignissen mithilfe von Eventdatenbanken mit einer qualitativen Diskursanalyse zu jenen Ereignissen kombiniert. Die resul-tierende Mehrebenen-Analyse der Protest-Repressionsdynamiken in Ägypten – von den Tamarod-Protesten 2013, über die Anti-Coup-Kampagne gegen den Mi-litärputsch, bis zu den Demonstrationen gegen die Aufgabe der zwei Inseln Tiran und Sanafir im Roten Meer im Jahr 2016 – belegt den Einfluss von Veränderun-gen in der diskursiven Architektur auf die Gelegenheitsstrukturen sozialer Bewegungen und politischer Regime und auf deren Bereitschaft, sich auf Protest- und Repressionskampagnen einzulassen. Nicht zuletzt verfolgt diese Analyse somit das Ziel, zu zeigen, dass die Art und Weise, wie über politischen Protest, Repression oder Gewalt gesprochen wird, letztlich ausschlaggebend dafür ist, mit welchen Mitteln soziale Bewegungen Regime herausfordern, wie selbige darauf reagieren und inwiefern beide Seiten hierfür potenzielle Unterstützer mobilisieren können
Pursuing unhappiness: city, space, and sentimentalism in post-Cold War American literature
My dissertation examines how contemporary American writers have revived and revised literary sentimentalism to fashion their engagement with publicized scenes of suffering, to critique dominant narratives of national identity, and--in some cases--to offer alternate notions of publicness built on fellow-feeling. I propose that much American literature of the 1990s and early post-millennium--texts often characterized as postmodern--evince a profound, yet veiled investment in sentimentalism's characteristic mode of affective pedagogy. In the texts examined here (including works by Philip Roth, Anna Deavere Smith, John Edgar Wideman, Chang-Rae Lee, Jonathan Safron Foer, John Updike, and Don DeLillo), one encounters a recurrent mode of affective engagement: a suffering figure is spectacularly exposed, sometimes "directly" to the reader but much more often through an intermediary figure whose sympathetic, affective, and/or diagnostic reaction to the suffering pedagogically models ideal affective responses for the reader. One also encounters many of the tropes and topoi characteristic of sentimentalism in the 19th century: a metaphoric linking of domestic, familial spaces for the space of the nation, sustained grief for the lost child, and the possibility of a redemptive community established through fellow feeling. Popular American culture has never set aside its investments in the power of sympathy, the guile of sentiment, and the lure of the endearingly oppressed, but the intertextual recovery of sentimentalism's pedagogical modes, tropes, and topoi by writers renowned for their sophistication, experimentation, and reflexiveness would seem more remarkable. Indeed, this resurrection of an aesthetic mode built on feeling goes directly against the diagnosis of Fredric Jameson, who declared famously that postmodern culture is characterized by a "waning of affect" (10). On the contrary, because many "postmodern" writers in the post Cold War period have made use of the performative power of sympathetic witness and reengaged with the nineteenth-century sentimentalist tradition, I maintain that, if anything, the cultural power of affect has been magnified and inflamed. Thus, this dissertation studies the ways in which many contemporary American writers, writers customarily thought of as literary, academic, and postmodern, have borrowed much from a discourse generally considered popular and debased, have employed sentimentalism's tropes for their power, modified its affective pedagogy for their political purposes, and revised many of its assumptions about the power of sympathetic witnessing.
I attempt to elucidate these literary reengagements and give shape to my broader inquiry by situating them in relation to scenes of urban crisis, ruin, and unrest--that is, by reading them in relation to the changes characterizing American cities during the post-Cold War period and in the years immediately preceding it. Following the implementation of neoliberal austerity in the late 1970s, a process of deindustrialization and social stratification that had began in the 1960s rapidly accelerated. During this period, urban life in America was marked by the increasing immiseration of the underclass, the massive influx of new immigrants from Asia and Central America, conflict over scant resources, and an escalation of tensions between the highest and lowest elements in society. Using urban conflict to contextualize these postmodern revisions of sentimentalism is not an arbitrary choice; I follow the lead of the texts themselves. In each chapter, I consider how these authors bring the power of sympathetic witness and the hope of a coherent social body built of fellow-feeling--bring, in short, the power of sentimentalism--to bear on scenes of urban tension, strife, and ruin. The net is cast wide enough to include the relative banality of anti-immigrant chauvinism alongside the spectacular explosion of the 1992 Los Angeles riots as well as the smoldering urban ruin left in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks. Though these events and circumstances differ in vast and important ways, each can be thought of as fiery evidence against narratives of America's pastoral unity, coherence, and placid omnipotence. The writers who responded to these sites of turmoil made use of sentimentalism's power and investment in sympathetic projection to engage candidly with the suffering of others, to pedagogically mold the affective responses of their readers, and to suggest the existence of a social body to which both sufferer, witness, and reader belong. However, these texts reveal a persistent ambivalence over sympathy: its nature, its power, and its political provenance. Furthermore, because many of these authors model emotional engagement and witness through the figure of the writer, their scrutiny of the politics of sympathy is inseparable from their performative duplication of it. Thus their ambivalence about the community of fellow feeling goes into the text's performance and reception. Reading these authors for their thematic treatment of America's politics of feeling necessarily leads to reading their modes of sentimental ambivalence performatively. The reading practice governing this study therefore reveals the ways in which these writers entangle the publics they address in powerful sympathetic bonds while nevertheless calling into question what power feeling really has
Reclaiming the public : Hannah Arendt and the political constitution of the United Kingdom
My thesis seeks to reconcile British public law with an entity strangely alien to it, the people themselves. In other words, this is an attempt to re-discover the ‘public’ element of public law. Hannah Arendt, the primary theoretical focus of my work, challenged the people to recognize themselves as part of the problem of ‘modernity’; the problem, that is to say, of political apathy and thus the emergence of forms of government repugnant to the human condition; to consciously reinvent themselves as politically engaged citizens; and to thus reconstitute traditional structures of authority, sovereignty and law. This is an onerous task, most salient in times of revolution, and so it is to the tumultuous climate of 17th century England that I look for evidence of these ideas (albeit briefly) emerging in the English (and, laterally, British) context, before considering the reasons for their failure to establish a firm foothold on the constitutional terrain, and the lessons this might have for the public, and public lawyers, today. For Arendt law was the means by which we ‘belonged’ to a community, and the means by which we ‘promised’ to maintain a public space within that community in order to participate and confer authority to government. It is this underdeveloped aspect of her work which I will first explore, and then put to work in the context of the British constitution
Restorative justice : a Marxist analysis
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 468-504)