중국 지방 관료들은 왜 그렇게 열심히 일하는가 : 이념, 이해, 제도의 침투

학위논문 (박사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 국제대학원 국제학과, 2017. 8. 조영남.In the 2000s and 2010s, local officials in Zhejiang Province, Guangdong Province, and Tianjin City worked hard on both government efficiency (super-department reform and administrative licensing reform) and voice and accountability (social governance and village-level self-governance) governance areas. Such diligence can be attributed to a conjuncture of the central leaderships ideas such as the Scientific Outlook on Developmet, Harmonious Society, ideas of public service-driven fiscal system and the Acurate View on Performance and interests of the fiscal system and the cadre management system such as Award instead of Subsidy, the special grant mechanism and the strengthened material incentives in the performance evaluation, leading all to the consolidation of the states power. This strengthened state power reached the county through the province and the municipality and in the process, the Party School Network played a crucial role in the socialization of the central ideas. And, in order for the state power to penetrate through state-building at the grassroots level, a conjuncture of reform ideas and the political economic interests of the county leadership such as promotion and prize money played a determinant role. But the factor that weakened the states power was the interests of the local bureaucracies or departmentalism. If the conjuncture of the ideas/interests of county leaderships did not overcome the interests of local bureaus, reforms or institutional building were weakened. On the other hand, if the local departments were persuaded by the conjuncture of the ideas/interests of county leaderships to agree to the reforms of the leaderships, the reform continued and expanded. There were variations in the ways local officials worked hard on the institutional innovations in these three areas. Zhejiang Province was a social participation-driven model, Guangdong Province was a social pressure-driven model, and Tianjin was a county competition model. The reason for this variation in institutional innovations is that Zhejiangs counties had the highest financial self-sufficiency rate and the low dependency rate on central grants, resulting in the most active response to societal demands. Guangdong Province was between Zhejiang and Tianjin in terms of the financial self-sufficiency rate and only responded to social pressure passively. Tianjin had the lowest rate of financial self-sufficiency. Its dependency rate was relatively high, which was more sensitive to accountability from the top and to a promotion incentive, thus becoming the county government competition model. Finally, when the states power penetrated into the villages of the lowest unit through the ideas of county leaderships, the way that the states power penetrated through the new agents, such as village cadres with moral motives, rather than directly into the village allowed the states power to penetrate into society without being weakened. The areas in which three regions county local officials worked hard are presented in detail in case studies in Chapter 4. To explain why local bureaucrats were working hard, Chapter 2 explains the changes in the intergovernmental fiscal system through case studies, and Chapter 3 analyzes the changes in the vertical mobility of municipal and county-level leaders and cadre management system in Zhejiang and Guangdong provinces through multi-level statistics analysis and case studies. In Chapter 4, the areas where bureaucrats worked hard are both government efficiency and voice and accountability governace areas that were set by the central government in advance through financial and performance management in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3. In Chapter 2 and Chapter 3, the changes in the fiscal system and the performance evaluation institution led to the strengthening of the states power and a change of the local state role. In order to explain the institutional changes in Chapters 2 and 3, this study emphasized the combination of ideas and interests of central and local leaderships in each chapter. Chapter 4 attempted to show the dynamics of how the ideas-interests of county leaderships interacted with the interests of the local departments in the penetration process of the states power. Chapters 2 and 3 mainly explore the consolidation of the states power by scrutinizing the national formal institutions, which affected fiscal and power relations among the provice, municipality and county. Chapter 4 describes the strengthened national official system that had impacts on relations among the county, township (sub-district) and village (urban community), and explained how village leaders with moral motives were connected with such formal institutions. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine how the states power travelled down to the local state and penetrated in order from the center all the way down to the village society in China.Chapter 1. Why Chinas Local Governance Matters and What Matters 1 1. Role of the Local States during the 2000s and 2010s 6 2. Institutional Change: Conjuncture of Ideas/Interests 24 3. Local Variations of State-Building at the Grassroots Level 31 4. Research Method and Outline 37 Chapter 2. The Impact of Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations on Local Governance 39 1. Harmonious Society and its Fiscal Policy Tools 40 2. Awards instead of Subsidies : its Impact on the Local Officials 81 3. Central Grants: How the Center Travells down to the Local Governments with its Money 100 Chapter 3. Too Many Carrots, but Not Enough Sticks 144 1. Promotion of Local Party-State Leaders and their Political Incentives 145 2. The Factors Influencing Local Leaderships Upward Mobility 192 3. Performance Evaluation and its Material Incentives 250 Chapter 4. Not Entirely Creative Institutional Innovations?: Local States Grassroots State-Building 289 1. Government Reorganization: Penetration of County Leaderships Ideas vis-a-vis Departmentalisms Resistance or Foot-Dragging 291 2. Serve the People : Holy Mission of the Local Governments Impossible or Possible? 303 3. Social Governance or Social Management? : Urban Community Construction and Grid Management 360 4. Xiawei Villages Self-Governing Institution Building : Emergence of New State Agents 423 Chapter 5. How the Center Travells down to the Local State and How Well ? 454 1. Penetration Mechanism of the States Power: Ideas, Interests and Institutions 457 2. Penetration and Limitations of the States Power 463 Appendix 474 Reference 488 Abstract in Korean 502Docto

Evaluating the Role of Confucian Tradition in the Prospects and Limits of Political Change in Four East Asian Societies

Abstract Confucian society is one of the major cultural and social systems of East Asia. There have been long-standing scholarly debates about whether Confucian societies can produce or maintain a democratic regime; and in more recent years discussion of why there are several Confucian societies that can democratise yet some of them cannot. In order to contribute to these debates, this thesis conducts an analysis of China, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea to explore and explain the following issues by comparative strategy: why have some Confucian societies democratised yet some of them have not? What is the role of traditional legacies from the pre-democratic dynasties and how does this political culture shape contemporary Confucian societies and their capacity to produce and sustain democratic politics? What is the role of economic and social modernisation in contemporary Confucian societies in the development of democracy? What role is played by ruling parties and leader’s attitudes and choices when they face claims for democracy from society? How do these three factors - legacies, modernisation and ruler’s choices - shape successful and unsuccessful cases of democratic change in East Asia? Evaluating these factors by comparative qualitative and quantitative strategy, this thesis concludes: the ruling parties and leaders strategies for democracy are quite different between successful and unsuccessful cases. In China and Singapore, the leadership can unite and deploy a pseudo-democracy to respond to democratic claims of society; yet in Taiwan and South Korea, non-democratic leaderships could not sustain their rule, and they even chose to cooperate with opponents for survival. Secondly, the traditional legacies that emerged from the pre-democratic imperial system are the elements to hinder development of democracy rather than Confucianism itself. In China and Singapore, these legacies are selectively chosen by leaders to serve their official ideologies, yet in Taiwan and South Korea, rulers could not sustain their ability to manipulate these legacies. Modernisation in China and Singapore is controlled officially so it serves and consolidates non-democratic rule; but in Taiwan and Singapore, the modernisation process was not totally controlled by non-democratic rulers and instead promoted democratisation in these societies. Comparing these factors, the attitude and unity of rulers seems the influential factor for this debate. If non-democratic rulers can remain united in their strategy, traditional legacies for serving non-democratic rule will be strengthened, and the effects of modernisation for democracy will continue to be limited. However, because the younger generation demonstrates positive attitudes to democratic values and against traditional legacies, this situation could still change in the long run

Hygiene And Daily Life In Republican China, 1911—1945

This dissertation reveals how acceptable, clean, responsible behaviours were defined through overlapping, transnational networks of both medical professionals and laypeople, and how the proliferation of these developments featured in the everyday lives of Chinese in the early twentieth century. Responding to previous studies of public health in Republican China on the central government’s institutions, the project instead explores aspects of daily life and public opinion from grassroots actors, highlighting myriad nuanced lived experiences and the inherent value that ordinary Chinese placed on health and social responsibility. Chinese society in the early twentieth century was cosmopolitan in its outlook and influenced by internationally-circulating ideas of health, wellness, and innovative progress; even small, rural communities exercised local autonomy to institute hygiene education campaigns, leading to innovative collaborations between international organizations and local leaders. The first chapter is an extended case study of the province of Shanxi between 1918 and 1928, and an intervention into previous scholarship which assumes that effective public health was impossible before the establishment of national infrastructure in 1928. Beginning with plague control in early 1918, Shanxi leveraged global-local partnerships into opportunities for the development of localized public health campaigns. Hygiene initiatives gained popularity precisely because reformists carefully addressed local concerns, and because the public recognized the tangible benefits to their daily lives. The themes apparent in the first chapter are then explored at length. Each following chapter focuses on a specific communal space in which new expectations of hygienic behaviour were formed. The chapters are focused on the “School”, “Kitchen”, “Home”, and “Public Streets”. At each site, the maturation of hygiene teaching and practice was driven by, and indeed made possible by, individuals at the local level, even when they mirrored national developments. Together, the chapters are a comprehensive exploration of idiosyncratic hygiene improvement developments and their participants, elevating lived experience and local agency along the way. Moreover, the dissertation asserts China’s establishment as an important, proven participant in the global organizations for the advancement of public health

Between Flexibility and Reliability

The aim of this research is to provide an outline to address questions with regard to the transformation of planning in China that has occurred after the 1980s. The research is using “planning evolution” as the main research skeleton. The starting point is to investigate to what extent Chinese urban planning has developed after the opening up and other reforms under the state-led and market-driven modes of Chinese reformation, and to investigate how the different modes and various actors have influenced urban planning, based on the investigation of the respective political and economic changes within the initial reformation in general, and planning in particular. In recent years, China has undeniably undergone a dramatic process of urban growth and transformation. Apart from its speed and scope, it is less recognized that these processes are confronting the Chinese planning institutions with new and unexpected demands almost on a daily basis. In reference to the increasing importance of private investments and developments within the Chinese urbanization process, a new balance between public planning and private developments, and between top-down and bottom-up approaches is required to be able to generate both a reliable and responsible framework for long-term urban development and a flexible system of implementation that meets the needs of changing conditions and new demands. Flexibility and reliability become the new demands for planning practice. Based on the theory of planning culture, planning traditions, concepts, systems and decision-making processes are always related to the cultural context and cultural background of the people and societies involved. Investigating the contemporary urban transformation and urban development processes in China can allow us to outline the new planning culture of contemporary China in relation to its historical roots and traditional characteristics in a long term framework. I argue that the changing role of urban planning is strongly embedded in the political, economic, and social domains and is a part of cultural innovation. The research opens a general debate on the circumstances of the contemporary Chinese transformation after the 1980s. After introducing the idea of planning culture and elaborating to what extent the idea of planning culture is applied in this research, I argue that the “soft” characteristics of planning emphasized by the idea of planning culture are crucial to understand Chinese planning evolution. The idea of planning culture is applied to build up the theoretical framework needed in order to approach the research subject: the contemporary Chinese transformation, based on a systematic structure. Overall, this research states the following. 1). The reversal of Chinese policies in 1978 and the opening up of the country to foreign investments and technology were taking up the job that had been left unfinished in 1949. The momentum is regarded as a part of the long-term evolution of Chinese modernization, for which the term of “critical-modernity” is introduced, situating the changes within the broader context of the globalization. It cannot be disconnected from the roots of Chinese history and tradition and as such is an alternative to Western paradigms. 2). The dissection of the specific Chinese historical evolution results in a sequence of layered modes of hybrid development. 3) Situating the political-economic momentum of the 80s in a longer time span and exploring it beyond the political status of the time by making the contextual linkage to the cultural and traditional consensus of Chinese history, it is seen as a “cultural turn” of Chinese society. 4). This study applies the idea of “planning culture”—to compare different periods in one country and to analyze the changes that have taken place with regard to both the planning system and the cultural context; and to approach urban planning transitions from political, social, and economic aspects by investigating the conditions, approaches, and results of current spatial planning in China. According to the application of the idea of planning culture as a systematic framework, the research comprises three major research themes: the transformation of society, the transformation of the planning system and the implementation of planning in practice. The Transformation of the Society comprises two parts. The first reviews the philosophical roots of the Chinese norm and value system and the second part introduces the contextual background of the emerged evolution of Chinese modernization. The purpose is on the one hand to anchor the contemporary Chinese transformation within the Chinese context, and on the other hand to argue that the transformation of contemporary China in the 1980s is a new turn that is part of the evolution of modernization. The Transformation of the Planning System offers the specific information about the transformation that took place in the 1980s, in particular in relation to the reforms initiated by the central government. The focus is in on the re-modification of the urban planning system after 1978; special attention is given to the political structure, planning organization, and plan forms. It is the analysis of the top–down system. The Implementation of Planning System in Practice zooms further in on the micro-scale of planning evolution by analyzing the planning implementation in practice in one of the fastest growing cities of the country: Shenzhen, located in the Pearl River Delta, which can be regarded as an almost newly constructed city with approximately 300.000 inhabitants in 1980 and reaching 10.47 million in 2011. During a relatively short period of development the degree of acceleration and the scope of an entirely unexpected growth forced local planning authorities to constantly readapt to changing conditions and new demands. In this framework, different planning documents and the process of decision-making are analyzed, with special attention to the coordination and fine-tuning between planning intervention and planning implementation. These three clusters of research themes serve to answer a series of research questions respectively. The main research question is: How does urban planning in contemporary China face the challenges of the emergent urban evolution within the current world society? This research argues that planning strategies have to be developed, on the one hand under the circumstances of inevitably increasing uncertainties in China society generating the flexibility for new and unexpected developments, and on the other hand to confront the unpredictability and uncertainty of initiatives from diverse public and private actors by generating and building up a reliable framework for sustainable long-term developments. Planning embodiment (ideology, aim, system etc.) must be understood and used not only for political-economical interventions but, furthermore, as a spatial agent in order to mediate the changing confrontations of socio– spatial demands embedded in the cultural domain, instead of being used only as a top–down dominating intervention tool. China enters a critical era of modernity, a society in which to retrieve the socio-spatial meaning for people is a much more powerful force than only focusing on economic success and political stability. This reflection shall be based on the revival of Chinese traditions and values and the re-evaluation of those values in a systematical manner. However, in comparison with drawing a concrete conclusion, this study’s intention is to inspire reflection, to provoke further debate and to disclose and dissect the context of Chinese planning culture. It is by the same consideration that I found the idea of planning culture a useful and valuable framework to access urban development and planning evolution in non-Occidental countries. The “soft” core of planning culture has the same essential cultural value everywhere, and for countries like China who share the similar hybridity of evolutional history, the processes of industrialization, urbanization, decolonization, Westernization, post-industrialization and globalization are affecting the country not in a linear–subsequent manner, but on different layers simultaneously and sometimes with contradicting demands. Being embedded in this unique Chinese political–socio–economic environment, urban planning is used by the state as a powerful instrument providing a vision for the country’s future in the transitional process between the rules of both extreme modes of top-down and bottom-up approaches, balanced by involving the governmental and public sectors simultaneously. I am convinced that the idea of planning culture can trigger a new wave of discourse leading to a completely new insight in and understanding of cultural differences, not only in an abstract sense for Chinese culture but also in general for everybody whose live is strongly influenced by planning decisions and whose daily activities are interactively incorporated in the socio-spatial domain

Between Flexibility and Reliability:

The aim of this research is to provide an outline to address questions with regard to the transformation of planning in China that has occurred after the 1980s. The research is using “planning evolution” as the main research skeleton. The starting point is to investigate to what extent Chinese urban planning has developed after the opening up and other reforms under the state-led and market-driven modes of Chinese reformation, and to investigate how the different modes and various actors have influenced urban planning, based on the investigation of the respective political and economic changes within the initial reformation in general, and planning in particular. In recent years, China has undeniably undergone a dramatic process of urban growth and transformation. Apart from its speed and scope, it is less recognized that these processes are confronting the Chinese planning institutions with new and unexpected demands almost on a daily basis. In reference to the increasing importance of private investments and developments within the Chinese urbanization process, a new balance between public planning and private developments, and between top-down and bottom-up approaches is required to be able to generate both a reliable and responsible framework for long-term urban development and a flexible system of implementation that meets the needs of changing conditions and new demands. Flexibility and reliability become the new demands for planning practice. Based on the theory of planning culture, planning traditions, concepts, systems and decision-making processes are always related to the cultural context and cultural background of the people and societies involved. Investigating the contemporary urban transformation and urban development processes in China can allow us to outline the new planning culture of contemporary China in relation to its historical roots and traditional characteristics in a long term framework. I argue that the changing role of urban planning is strongly embedded in the political, economic, and social domains and is a part of cultural innovation. The research opens a general debate on the circumstances of the contemporary Chinese transformation after the 1980s. After introducing the idea of planning culture and elaborating to what extent the idea of planning culture is applied in this research, I argue that the “soft” characteristics of planning emphasized by the idea of planning culture are crucial to understand Chinese planning evolution. The idea of planning culture is applied to build up the theoretical framework needed in order to approach the research subject: the contemporary Chinese transformation, based on a systematic structure. Overall, this research states the following. 1). The reversal of Chinese policies in 1978 and the opening up of the country to foreign investments and technology were taking up the job that had been left unfinished in 1949. The momentum is regarded as a part of the long-term evolution of Chinese modernization, for which the term of “critical-modernity” is introduced, situating the changes within the broader context of the globalization. It cannot be disconnected from the roots of Chinese history and tradition and as such is an alternative to Western paradigms. 2). The dissection of the specific Chinese historical evolution results in a sequence of layered modes of hybrid development. 3) Situating the political-economic momentum of the 80s in a longer time span and exploring it beyond the political status of the time by making the contextual linkage to the cultural and traditional consensus of Chinese history, it is seen as a “cultural turn” of Chinese society. 4). This study applies the idea of “planning culture”—to compare different periods in one country and to analyze the changes that have taken place with regard to both the planning system and the cultural context; and to approach urban planning transitions from political, social, and economic aspects by investigating the conditions, approaches, and results of current spatial planning in China. According to the application of the idea of planning culture as a systematic framework, the research comprises three major research themes: the transformation of society, the transformation of the planning system and the implementation of planning in practice. The Transformation of the Society comprises two parts. The first reviews the philosophical roots of the Chinese norm and value system and the second part introduces the contextual background of the emerged evolution of Chinese modernization. The purpose is on the one hand to anchor the contemporary Chinese transformation within the Chinese context, and on the other hand to argue that the transformation of contemporary China in the 1980s is a new turn that is part of the evolution of modernization. The Transformation of the Planning System offers the specific information about the transformation that took place in the 1980s, in particular in relation to the reforms initiated by the central government. The focus is in on the re-modification of the urban planning system after 1978; special attention is given to the political structure, planning organization, and plan forms. It is the analysis of the top–down system. The Implementation of Planning System in Practice zooms further in on the micro-scale of planning evolution by analyzing the planning implementation in practice in one of the fastest growing cities of the country: Shenzhen, located in the Pearl River Delta, which can be regarded as an almost newly constructed city with approximately 300.000 inhabitants in 1980 and reaching 10.47 million in 2011. During a relatively short period of development the degree of acceleration and the scope of an entirely unexpected growth forced local planning authorities to constantly readapt to changing conditions and new demands. In this framework, different planning documents and the process of decision-making are analyzed, with special attention to the coordination and fine-tuning between planning intervention and planning implementation. These three clusters of research themes serve to answer a series of research questions respectively. The main research question is: How does urban planning in contemporary China face the challenges of the emergent urban evolution within the current world society? This research argues that planning strategies have to be developed, on the one hand under the circumstances of inevitably increasing uncertainties in China society generating the flexibility for new and unexpected developments, and on the other hand to confront the unpredictability and uncertainty of initiatives from diverse public and private actors by generating and building up a reliable framework for sustainable long-term developments. Planning embodiment (ideology, aim, system etc.) must be understood and used not only for political-economical interventions but, furthermore, as a spatial agent in order to mediate the changing confrontations of socio– spatial demands embedded in the cultural domain, instead of being used only as a top–down dominating intervention tool. China enters a critical era of modernity, a society in which to retrieve the socio-spatial meaning for people is a much more powerful force than only focusing on economic success and political stability. This reflection shall be based on the revival of Chinese traditions and values and the re-evaluation of those values in a systematical manner. However, in comparison with drawing a concrete conclusion, this study’s intention is to inspire reflection, to provoke further debate and to disclose and dissect the context of Chinese planning culture. It is by the same consideration that I found the idea of planning culture a useful and valuable framework to access urban development and planning evolution in non-Occidental countries. The “soft” core of planning culture has the same essential cultural value everywhere, and for countries like China who share the similar hybridity of evolutional history, the processes of industrialization, urbanization, decolonization, Westernization, post-industrialization and globalization are affecting the country not in a linear–subsequent manner, but on different layers simultaneously and sometimes with contradicting demands. Being embedded in this unique Chinese political–socio–economic environment, urban planning is used by the state as a powerful instrument providing a vision for the country’s future in the transitional process between the rules of both extreme modes of top-down and bottom-up approaches, balanced by involving the governmental and public sectors simultaneously. I am convinced that the idea of planning culture can trigger a new wave of discourse leading to a completely new insight in and understanding of cultural differences, not only in an abstract sense for Chinese culture but also in general for everybody whose live is strongly influenced by planning decisions and whose daily activities are interactively incorporated in the socio-spatial domain. &nbsp

Between Flexibility and Reliability:

The aim of this research is to provide an outline to address questions with regard to the transformation of planning in China that has occurred after the 1980s. The research is using “planning evolution” as the main research skeleton. The starting point is to investigate to what extent Chinese urban planning has developed after the opening up and other reforms under the state-led and market-driven modes of Chinese reformation, and to investigate how the different modes and various actors have influenced urban planning, based on the investigation of the respective political and economic changes within the initial reformation in general, and planning in particular. In recent years, China has undeniably undergone a dramatic process of urban growth and transformation. Apart from its speed and scope, it is less recognized that these processes are confronting the Chinese planning institutions with new and unexpected demands almost on a daily basis. In reference to the increasing importance of private investments and developments within the Chinese urbanization process, a new balance between public planning and private developments, and between top-down and bottom-up approaches is required to be able to generate both a reliable and responsible framework for long-term urban development and a flexible system of implementation that meets the needs of changing conditions and new demands. Flexibility and reliability become the new demands for planning practice. Based on the theory of planning culture, planning traditions, concepts, systems and decision-making processes are always related to the cultural context and cultural background of the people and societies involved. Investigating the contemporary urban transformation and urban development processes in China can allow us to outline the new planning culture of contemporary China in relation to its historical roots and traditional characteristics in a long term framework. I argue that the changing role of urban planning is strongly embedded in the political, economic, and social domains and is a part of cultural innovation. The research opens a general debate on the circumstances of the contemporary Chinese transformation after the 1980s. After introducing the idea of planning culture and elaborating to what extent the idea of planning culture is applied in this research, I argue that the “soft” characteristics of planning emphasized by the idea of planning culture are crucial to understand Chinese planning evolution. The idea of planning culture is applied to build up the theoretical framework needed in order to approach the research subject: the contemporary Chinese transformation, based on a systematic structure. Overall, this research states the following. 1). The reversal of Chinese policies in 1978 and the opening up of the country to foreign investments and technology were taking up the job that had been left unfinished in 1949. The momentum is regarded as a part of the long-term evolution of Chinese modernization, for which the term of “critical-modernity” is introduced, situating the changes within the broader context of the globalization. It cannot be disconnected from the roots of Chinese history and tradition and as such is an alternative to Western paradigms. 2). The dissection of the specific Chinese historical evolution results in a sequence of layered modes of hybrid development. 3) Situating the political-economic momentum of the 80s in a longer time span and exploring it beyond the political status of the time by making the contextual linkage to the cultural and traditional consensus of Chinese history, it is seen as a “cultural turn” of Chinese society. 4). This study applies the idea of “planning culture”—to compare different periods in one country and to analyze the changes that have taken place with regard to both the planning system and the cultural context; and to approach urban planning transitions from political, social, and economic aspects by investigating the conditions, approaches, and results of current spatial planning in China. According to the application of the idea of planning culture as a systematic framework, the research comprises three major research themes: the transformation of society, the transformation of the planning system and the implementation of planning in practice. The Transformation of the Society comprises two parts. The first reviews the philosophical roots of the Chinese norm and value system and the second part introduces the contextual background of the emerged evolution of Chinese modernization. The purpose is on the one hand to anchor the contemporary Chinese transformation within the Chinese context, and on the other hand to argue that the transformation of contemporary China in the 1980s is a new turn that is part of the evolution of modernization. The Transformation of the Planning System offers the specific information about the transformation that took place in the 1980s, in particular in relation to the reforms initiated by the central government. The focus is in on the re-modification of the urban planning system after 1978; special attention is given to the political structure, planning organization, and plan forms. It is the analysis of the top–down system. The Implementation of Planning System in Practice zooms further in on the micro-scale of planning evolution by analyzing the planning implementation in practice in one of the fastest growing cities of the country: Shenzhen, located in the Pearl River Delta, which can be regarded as an almost newly constructed city with approximately 300.000 inhabitants in 1980 and reaching 10.47 million in 2011. During a relatively short period of development the degree of acceleration and the scope of an entirely unexpected growth forced local planning authorities to constantly readapt to changing conditions and new demands. In this framework, different planning documents and the process of decision-making are analyzed, with special attention to the coordination and fine-tuning between planning intervention and planning implementation. These three clusters of research themes serve to answer a series of research questions respectively. The main research question is: How does urban planning in contemporary China face the challenges of the emergent urban evolution within the current world society? This research argues that planning strategies have to be developed, on the one hand under the circumstances of inevitably increasing uncertainties in China society generating the flexibility for new and unexpected developments, and on the other hand to confront the unpredictability and uncertainty of initiatives from diverse public and private actors by generating and building up a reliable framework for sustainable long-term developments. Planning embodiment (ideology, aim, system etc.) must be understood and used not only for political-economical interventions but, furthermore, as a spatial agent in order to mediate the changing confrontations of socio– spatial demands embedded in the cultural domain, instead of being used only as a top–down dominating intervention tool. China enters a critical era of modernity, a society in which to retrieve the socio-spatial meaning for people is a much more powerful force than only focusing on economic success and political stability. This reflection shall be based on the revival of Chinese traditions and values and the re-evaluation of those values in a systematical manner. However, in comparison with drawing a concrete conclusion, this study’s intention is to inspire reflection, to provoke further debate and to disclose and dissect the context of Chinese planning culture. It is by the same consideration that I found the idea of planning culture a useful and valuable framework to access urban development and planning evolution in non-Occidental countries. The “soft” core of planning culture has the same essential cultural value everywhere, and for countries like China who share the similar hybridity of evolutional history, the processes of industrialization, urbanization, decolonization, Westernization, post-industrialization and globalization are affecting the country not in a linear–subsequent manner, but on different layers simultaneously and sometimes with contradicting demands. Being embedded in this unique Chinese political–socio–economic environment, urban planning is used by the state as a powerful instrument providing a vision for the country’s future in the transitional process between the rules of both extreme modes of top-down and bottom-up approaches, balanced by involving the governmental and public sectors simultaneously. I am convinced that the idea of planning culture can trigger a new wave of discourse leading to a completely new insight in and understanding of cultural differences, not only in an abstract sense for Chinese culture but also in general for everybody whose live is strongly influenced by planning decisions and whose daily activities are interactively incorporated in the socio-spatial domain. &nbsp

Zou Qilai!: Musical Subjectivity, Mobility, and Sonic Infrastructures in Postsocialist China

This dissertation is an ethnography centered around two bands based in Guangzhou and their relationships with one of China’s largest record companies. Bridging ethnomusicology, popular music studies, cultural geography, media studies, vocal anthropology, and the anthropology of infrastructure, it examines emergent forms of musical creativity and modes of circulation as they relate to shifts in concepts of self, space, publics, and state instigated by China’s political and economic reforms. Chapter One discusses a long history of state-sponsored cartographic musical anthologies, as well as Confucian and Maoist ways of understanding the relationships between place, person, and music. These discussions provide a context for understanding contemporary musical cosmopolitanisms that both build upon and disrupt these histories; they also provoke a rethinking of ethnomusicological and related linguistic theorizations about music, place, and subjectivity. Through biographies of seven musicians working in present-day Guangzhou, Chapter Two outlines a concept of “musical subjectivity” that looks to the intersection of personal histories, national histories, and creativity as a means of exploring the role of individual agency and expressive culture in broader cultural shifts. Chapter Three focuses on the intertwining of actual corporeal mobilities and vicarious musical mobilities, and explores relationships between circulations of global popular musics, emergent forms of musical creativity, and an evolving geography of contemporary China. Chapter Four extends these concerns to a discussion of media systems in China, and outlines an approach to “sonic infrastructures” that puts sound studies in dialogue with the anthropology of infrastructure in order to understand how evolving modes of musical circulation and the listening practices associated with them are connected to broader economic, political, and cultural spatialities. Finally, Chapter Five examines the intersecting aesthetic and political implications of popular music sung in local languages (fangyan) by focusing on contemporary forms of articulation between music, language, listening, and place. Taken together, these chapters explore musical cosmopolitanisms as knowledge-making processes that are reconfiguring notions of self, state, publics, and space in contemporary China

The Evolution of Modern Business Ethics in Reform China

The social production and evolution of business ethics normativity in China is unknown to the public, of which in the aspect of business associations sphere is astonishingly non-existent. This research’s novelty lies in the historical genealogy of business ethicists’ work in contemporary China, which turns out to be significant for an adequate understanding of business moral normativity evolution and China’s normative structure transition. By applying moral background theory as theoretical framework and adopting historical research method, the research of Chinese business ethicists’ works suggests that pre-established indigenous ideas about social morality and metaphysical structure have not only persisted, but also have dominantly shaped social moral normativity structure. Market economy reform since 1978 has brought the development of business ethics and populated ethics discourses to the fore. I firstly introduce the socioeconomic transition and Chinese traditional cultural resources as entire social backdrop and cultural repertoire for the business ethics. By developing an empirical framework based on Abend’s moral background theory, this research tries to depict what moral normativity business ethicists have co-produced and what is in transition in the social normative structure in large. Under this framework, business schools and business associations as two most important public normative spaces in regard to business ethics are empirically examined. The fundamental moral backgrounds that underlie business ethics in contemporary China has been revealed and configured. There are basic convergences between the origins and underpinnings of modern Chinese ethical understanding and its historical and cultural heritage. The influence of the moral culturalism in Chinese civilization epistemology as well as Chinese humanistic relational and spiritual ontology still play a dominant role as the deepest moral background of modern business ethics and its development in China. This research result shows that Chinese civilization is once again legitimized and justified as indispensable essence to be fostered, promoted and practiced in the public normativity structure. Chinese business ethicists are aware of pursuing ‘Chineseness’ and maintaining cultural awareness in the process of massive learning from the West. The learning and adoption of Western have modified China in many facets but have not yet remade Chinese entirely. In the business morality system, China hasn’t taken Western rationalism or individualistic capitalism as its models in regard to modern societal development. This is a significant shift in moral epistemology and ontology. This research proposes a new interpretation of the history of business ethics in the Reform China