Intergenerational Transmission of Values in Different Cultural Contexts: A Study in Germany and Indonesia

The aim of this study1 is to investigate cultural similarities and differences in the transmission of general and domain-specific value orientations (individualism/collectivism, and value of children) within German and Indonesian families. Supposing that both cultures differ with respect to developmental pathways of independence and interdependence, we asked if the extent of intergenerational transmission of values within families differs between Germany and Indonesia, and we studied possible cultural differences in intergenerational transmission with respect to different value contents. More precisely, we asked if there is a difference in transmission of values that are highly versus not highly endorsed by the members of the respective culture. The sample is part of the cross-cultural study “Value of Children and Intergenerational Relations” and included altogether 610 German and Indonesian motheradolescent dyads as well as altogether 200 triads of maternal grandmothers, mothers, and adolescents. Results showed intergenerational transmission of values between adjacent generations both in the German and the Indonesian sample, but transmission of individualistic values was higher in the Indonesian sample. The results are discussed under a theoretical framework of cultural specifics of intergenerational transmission

Cultural Leaders and the Clash of Civilizations

This article builds a micro founded model of the clash of cultures. The clash is defined as the parent's fear of a trait change by their child in an overlapping generations model with intergenerational transmission of cultural traits. The extent of the clash is manipulated by cultural leaders who benefit from the cultural education effort by parents. We identify three channels through which the leaders can affect the clash of cultures: (i) by providing beneficial cultural values, (ii) by claims of cultural superiority and (iii) by cultural alienation, i.e. by inducing cultural dislike towards their own group. We show that all three channels can be in the leader's interest but channels (ii) and (iii) reduce the utility of the leader's goup members. This hints to a strong conflict of interest within groups - between the population at large and the benefactors of radicalization. We further show how the use of alienation relates to the economic opportunities available to a group.

Cultural leaders and the clash of civilizations

This article builds a micro founded model of the clash of cultures. The clash is defined as the parent's fear of a trait change by their child in an overlapping generations model with intergenerational transmission of cultural traits. The extent of the clash is manipulated by cultural leaders who benefit from the cultural education effort by parents. We identify three channels through which the leaders can affect the clash of cultures: (i) by providing beneficial cultural values, (ii) by claims of cultural superiority and (iii) by cultural alienation, i.e. by inducing cultural dislike towards their own group. We show that all three channels can be in the leader's interest but channels (ii) and (iii) reduce the utility of the leader's goup members. This hints to a strong conflict of interest within groups - between the population at large and the benefactors of radicalization. We further show how the use of alienation relates to the economic opportunities available to a group

'No-One Can Tell a Story Better than the One Who Lived It': Reworking Constructions of Childhood and Trauma Through the Arts in Rwanda

The intergenerational legacies of conflict and violence for children and young people are typically approached within research and interventions through the lens of trauma. Understandings of childhood and trauma are based on bio-psychological frameworks emanating from the Global North, often at odds with the historical, political, economic, social and cultural contexts in which interventions are enacted, and neglect the diversity of knowledge, experiences and practices. Within this paper we explore these concerns in the context of Rwanda and the aftermath of the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi. We reflect on two qualitative case studies: Connective Memories and Mobile Arts for Peace which both used arts-based approaches drawing on the richness of Rwandan cultural forms, such as proverbs and storytelling practices, to explore knowledge and processes of meaning-making about trauma, memory, and everyday forms of conflict from the perspectives of children and young people. We draw on these findings to argue that there is a need to refine and elaborate understandings of intergenerational transmission of trauma in Rwanda informed by: the historical and cultural context; intersections of structural and ‘everyday’ forms of conflict and social trauma embedded in intergenerational relations; and a reworking of notions of trauma ‘transmission’ to encompass the multiple connectivities between generations, temporalities and expressions of trauma

Family Formation: an Intergenerational Comparison Subtitlte: The Relevance of Social Inequalities for Family Formation in a Transnational Migration Context

How do processes of family formation change over generations? What is the relevance of social inequalities for these processes and what kinds of strategies do family members develop to deal with them? Based on a case study of members of two generations from the same family using a biographical approach, we will demonstrate the diversity of family formation within one family. The article generates insights about the complexity of family formation processes,as previous research has shown that there is a fertility variation between and within migrant groups of different origins. The selected family is involved in a transnationalmigration process, originally from the former Yugoslavia, coming to Switzerland and then moving to Kosovo. Migration experiences started with the grandfathers’ seasonal work migration. The family members were affected by social inequalities based on class, gender and ethnicity that are analysed using the concept of socio-cultural boundaries. The results illustrate the ways restrictions on access to the labour market, discrimination, educational institutions and selective migration regimes influence and shape family formation processes. It reveals that members of the same family develop diverse strategies to deal with exclusion and discrimination processes comparing their positions in transnational fields. We show how these family negotiation processes are interrelated with ethnicity and class and change over the generations. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that the transmission of gender norms in this family is influenced by the experienced socio-cultural boundaries. In sum, we show the complexity of family formation processes and intergenerational changes in interaction with intersectional social inequalities that are also shaped by migration policies

Cultural transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge and skills: An empirical analysis from an Amerindian society

The modeling of cultural transmission is of great importance for understanding the maintenance, erosion, and spread of cultural traits and innovations. Researchers have hypothesized that, unlike biological transmission, cultural transmission occurs through at least three different, non-mutually exclusive paths: (1) from parents (vertical); (2) from age peers (horizontal); and (3) from older generations (oblique). We used data from 270 adults in a society in the Bolivian Amazon to estimate the association between a person's knowledge and skills and the knowledge and skills of the (1) same-sex parent, (2) age peers (or individuals born in the same village as the subject within ±4 years of the subject's year of birth), and (3) parental cohort (excluding parents). We found a statistically significant association between personal and parental and old cohort knowledge. The magnitude of the association is larger for old cohort knowledge than for parental knowledge, suggesting that, for the studied population, the transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge and skills is mostly oblique

Structure emerges faster during cultural transmission in children than in adults

How does children’s limited processing capacity affect cultural transmission of complex information? We show that over the course of iterated reproduction of two-dimensional random dot patterns transmission accuracy increased to a similar extent in 5- to 8-year-old children and adults whereas algorithmic complexity decreased faster in children. Thus, children require more structure to render complex inputs learnable. In line with the Less-Is-More hypothesis, we interpret this as evidence that children’s processing limitations affecting working memory capacity and executive control constrain the ability to represent and generate complexity, which, in turn, facilitates emergence of structure. This underscores the importance of investigating the role of children in the transmission of complex cultural traits