Identity, culture and democratization: the case of Egypt

This article seeks to present an alternative approach to understanding the failure of democratization in the Arab world by locating the problem of democracy-building within the logic of the process of reproducing national identity and culture. The conceptual framework draws on the writings of Antonio Gramsci and postcolonial theorists such as Edward Said. Taking Egypt as a case study, I examine a series of events surrounding a human rights report about police brutality in Egypt to illustrate how the struggle to reproduce Egyptian national identity impacts upon the practice of democracy. In the course of searching for an “authentic” Egyptian identity, uncorrupted by Western influences, a critical mass of Egyptian civil society participates in producing a political consensus in which civil and political freedoms may be legitimately sacrificed in the name of national unity and security. This is despite attempts by some Egyptian activists to challenge dominant conceptions of national identity and culture in order to open up democratic spaces

Copts, Islamists and Jews:Gender, minorities, hybridity (and its limits) in two novellas by Bahaa Abdelmegid

Bahaa Abdelmegid's novellas Saint Theresa and Sleeping with Strangers feature a range of intertwined relations: sexual, commercial, as neighbours, and as colleagues between Jews, Christians and Muslims in Egyptian society since 1967. This paper explores the implications of Abdelmegid's portrayal of Egyptian society, in which he celebrates its internal diversity whilst simultaneously warning of the dangers and disruptions of 'too much' hybridity and of over-familiarity with the 'Other'. I argue that Abdelmegid's Egyptian masculine is fragile, brittle, and under threat from a dissolute West and an extremist and inauthentic Islam. Abdelmegid articulates a modern warning to this frail masculinity, as well as to a more stable and worldly-wise feminine, about the dangers of undisciplined relationships with both Western culture and religious fundamentalism, both of which stray away from a real Egypt he constructs.

Christian political participation in the Arab world

PostprintPeer reviewe

COPTS IN EGYPT: BETWEEN MINORITY PROTECTION AND POWER LEVERAGING

Christians of Egypt, mainly referred to as Copts, are the largest minority in the country. Their estimated population is between 4.7 to 7.1 million, forming roughly 10-15% of the Egyptian population that is estimated now around 98.5 million people.1 Copts of Egypt are considered also the largest Christian community in the Middle East and one of the oldest Christian communities around the world. Egyptian Copts consider themselves descendants of the ancient Egyptians. Due to the historical changes of the Egyptian political system in the past centuries, with Muslim and Arab rulers coming, Copts numbers drastically decreased throughout the history of the country. In the modern history of Egypt, Copts have gone through different phases of integration, freedom of practice, and equal treatment in Egyptian society. Since 1952, the year on which Egypt became a republic, the church-state relations have been going through fluctuating phases of uncertainty and disruption. The role of religion in the state has hardly ever been rationalized in Egypt, the clearest example is the constitution which adopts a religious biased language that gives Copts in Egypt a feeling of hostility. The article 2 of the Egyptian constitution reads: “Islam is the religion of the state, Arabic its official language. Islamic jurisprudence is the principal source of legislation.” 2 That atmosphere of hostility translated into the Copts community ties and the sense of belonging in Egypt being strongly influenced by the religious institution. Despite the existence of evangelical, catholic, and Orthodox beliefs, “the Coptic Orthodox Church” acts as the institution officially representing Christians in Egypt

Religious Difference in a Secular Age: The Minority Report by Saba Mahmoud (2016) Book Review

The Minority Report is a text that tries to respond to the problem of essentializing Islam (the culturalism problem) by performing a flip so that all the bad attributes typically associated with “Islam” are now attributed to secularism instead. It is secularism that discriminates, that is sectarian, that encourages violence, that is repressive, sexist, etc. This Mahmood does by on the one hand hyper-politicizing secularism (depleting it of its universalist drive), and on the other under-politicizing it by ignoring its internal indeterminacy, complexity, open structure and varied distributive effects. The result is an account that moves between crude historicism-secularism is its history- and formalist generalizations reminiscent of the ways “Islam” is treated in mainstream discourse. Islam is nothing but the history of its conquests and its doctrines create the world in a specific way. But a flip does not a critique make

OCCUPATIONAL ENGAGEMENT AND INTEGRATION AMONG EGYPTIAN COPTIC ORTHODOX IMMIGRANTS

Background: The Egyptian Coptic Orthodox (Copt) population in America has grown exponentially due to religious intolerance in Egypt. Many Copts experience feelings of helplessness because of the stark difference in American culture compared to their home culture. Occupational therapy (OT) is a profession that can impact the experience of Copts through participation in meaningful occupations. This qualitative study sought to answer the research question, “what is the current state of occupational engagement for recently immigrated Coptic immigrants?” Methods: Eighteen participants filled out the 9-question open-ended survey concerning overall perceptions about moving to America. Data was analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings: The seven overarching themes identified were consistent with the literature about the immigrant experience; participants stated their experience moving was challenging, and overwhelmingly stated that services to ease transition into American lifestyle would have been beneficial. Conclusion: Findings from this study should allow for OT practitioners (OTPs) to expand knowledge about the impact of immigration for minority groups such as Copts using evidence-based practice, and facilitate the enculturation of Copts by re-establishing daily occupational routines and engaging in education on new cultural norms associated with American culture while keeping ties to Egyptian culture

Trends in a tumultuous region: Middle East after the Arab Awakening

Two years after the start of the Arab uprisings, the Middle East remains as tumultuous as ever. Despite the uncertainty and flux, a number of emerging trends will influence the region in the post-revolutionary period and well into the future.The first trend is a marked uptick in sectarianism and sectarian violence. The second trend is a crisis within political Islam and a widening rift between secular and Islamist political forces. And the third trend is the gradual disengagement and declining influence of the US in the Middle East. This paper, by Lydia Khalil, looks at the road to revolution, the polarised politics of Islamists vs secularists, and sectarianism’s grip in the region. The events in Egypt and Syria illustrate the difficulties faced by policymakers around the world—options for intervention are limited. However, the international community continues to look for ways to encourage stability. Australia\u27s role is considered including its role on the United Nations Security Council, particularly when it comes to the Syrian crisis and dealing with Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Australia should do what it can to assist this desperate humanitarian situation and bolster the norm against chemical weapons use. It’s important to do so, not only as a reflection of Australian values, but also because Australia’s actions and involvements on the international stage in relation to Syria will also have an impact at home

The other Copts: Between sectarianism, nationalism and catholic Coptic activism in Minya.

The partnership between the Coptic Orthodox Church and the Egyptian State has been a political technique that has left little space for religious diversity and has overshadowed other Egyptian minorities. Eschewing this dichotomous illusion and blowing the dust off of Missionary Studies that has left Catholic Copts in the past, this ethnographic study gives an account of the life of a Catholic Coptic NGO, the Jesuit Brothers Association for Development (JBAD), within the context of the uncontested capital of sectarian violence in Egypt: Minya. Using participant observation, focus groups, and interviews, this study intends to shed a light on the ways through which sectarian boundaries and identity politics have affected Catholic Copts engaging in activism in the post-2011 era. Particularly, this study explores how three sectarian lines are negotiated in the everyday life of this Catholic Coptic NGO. It explores the convenience and sponsorship that being part of a transnational Catholic Church gives Catholic Coptic institutions such as the JBAD yet its ritualistic remoteness from other types of Catholicism; the negotiation of its common roots with the Coptic Orthodox vis-Ã -vis their perplexity of their historic rivalry; and the ways in which Catholic Copts relate with the Muslim majority and the Egyptian State that vacillate between spiritual service and sectarian violence. This thesis questions how still today Catholic Copts are perceived as a foreign or fabricated minority while they are actually industrious and even nationalist citizens. Although this research subscribes to the literature that addresses the transitions from Mission to NGO\u27s that took place at the end of WWII, in the particular case of Catholic Copts, it proposes a change of scholar discourse from Missionary Studies into those of nationalism and citizenship

The U.S. Coptic Diaspora and the Limit of Polarization

After briefly presenting the main characteristics of the Coptic diaspora in the United States and of its attempts at gaining political clout since the 1990s, the article examines the impact of the election of President Obama and of the 2011 Egyptian revolution on the rhetoric and strategy of the main Coptic organizations in the United States. I also examine the changing relation between Copts in Egypt and Copts in the United States