148,386 research outputs found

    No Security Through Obscurity: Changing Circumvention Law to Protect our Democracy Against Cyberattacks

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    Cybersecurity is increasingly vital in a climate of unprecedented digital assaults against liberal democracy. Russian hackers have launched destabilizing cyberattacks targeting the United States’ energy grid, voting machines, and political campaigns. America\u27s existing inadequate cyber defenses operate according to a simple assumption: hide the computer code that powers critical infrastructure so that America\u27s enemies cannot exploit undiscovered weaknesses. Indeed, the intellectual property regime relies entirely on this belief, protecting those who own the rights in computer code by punishing those who might access and copy that code. This “security through obscurity” approach has failed. Rightsholders, on their own, cannot develop effective countermeasures to hacking because there are simply too many possibilities to preempt. The most promising solution, therefore, is to open the project of cybersecurity to as many talented and ethical minds as possible. Openness, not civil remedies and secrecy, is a greater means of ensuring safety. This Article proposes that we adopt a “defense in depth” approach to security that will increase transparency by modifying anticircumvention laws and by facilitating communication between the security community and product vendors

    Meeting the Challenge of Cyberterrorism: Defining the Military Role in a Democracy

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    Denna forskningskonsumtion strÀvar efter att utifrÄn tvÄ frÄgestÀllningar undersöka dels var det deliberativa samtalets möjligheter och begrÀnsningar ligger, dels undersöka hur det deliberativa samtalet pÄverkar lÀrarrollen i klassrummet. Detta sker genom en systematisk litteraturstudie som behandlar ett urval av relevanta svenska författare och Àven ett par internationella engelsksprÄkiga författare. Det deliberativa samtalet Àr en kommunikativ metod dÀr samförstÄelse, konsensus och demokrati stÄr i fokus. Tomas Englund, en av de mest uppmÀrksammade föresprÄkare av metoden beskriver det deliberativa samtalet med en rad punkter. Dessa punkter beskriver samtalet som att det ska ge olika argument utrymme, samtalet ska vara tolerant, samtalet ska ha inslag av kollektiv viljebildning, traditionella uppfattningar ska ifrÄgastÀllas och samtalet ska helst utesluta lÀrarledning. Det deliberativa samtalet har av bl.a. Skolverket lyfts fram som en  metod som ska gynna vÀrdegrundsarbetet i skolan. Runt millenieskiftet hade det deliberativa samtalet samt vÀrdegrundsarbetet fÄtt en allt mer central del i skolan dÀr Tomas Englund var en av de mest framtrÀdande föresprÄkarna av metoden. Ytterligare styrkor i samtalet kunde Àven förstÄs som dess potential i att kunna implementeras i andra kommunikativa situationer inom flertalet Àmnen. Trots att föresprÄkarna av det deliberativa samtalet kan lyfta mÄnga styrkor hos metoden finns fortfarande flera invÀndningar. De frÀmsta styrkorna som lyfts ur det deliberativa samtalet Àr vÀrdegrundsarbetet och samtalets tillÀmpningsbarhet, men de mer kritiska författarna vill gÀrna uppmÀrksamma hur det tÀmligen strukturerade samtalet kan pÄverka klassrummet och dess dynamik mellan lÀrare och elever. Hur ska exempelvis lÀraren förena sin position som betygsÀttande maktfigur med att hÄlla samtalet sÄ öppet och tolererande som möjligt, oavsett Äsikter som tas upp? Hur ska retoriska fÀrdigheter hos eleverna behandlas nÀr samtalet ska vara öppet och inkluderande? Forskningskonsumtionen lyfter Àven hur sociala och kulturella faktorer spelar in pÄ elevers förmÄga att deltaga i samtalet och lyfter genom författarna fram en diskussion om samtalets lÀmplighet i klassrummet, frÀmst genom dess deltagare som utgÄngspunkt. Slutsatsen hÀrleds till att lÀmpligheten hos det deliberativa samtalet i klassrummet kan kondenseras ned till frÄgan om förutsÀttningarna i klassrummet. Det deliberativa samtalet Àr ingen universallösning för vÀrdegrundsarbete, men har samtidigt en rad andra styrkor som Àr vÀrda att lyfta fram. Författarna saknar Àven en enhÀllig lösning över vilken roll lÀraren ska ha i samtalet och saknar Àven en riktig diskussion om hur det deliberativa samtalet ska behandla konflikter nÀr samtalet drivs till sin spets

    The Police-ization of the Military

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    This essay will briefly review the background of the use of the armed forces in a police capacity, discuss the growth of that role in the I980s and 1990s, and forecast an even greater expansion into that role in the near future due to the emerging threat of catastrophic terrorism. It will contend that this increased reliance on military resources for policing is not in the interest of either the armed forces or the public. Finally, it will make some observations with a view towards minimizing the dangers of police-ization of the military while ensuring the Nation\u27s public safety

    Some Observations Along the Road to “National Information Power”

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    This thesis consist of the following three papers. Convex hull of face vectors of colored complexes. In this paper we verify a conjecture by Kozlov (Discrete ComputGeom18(1997) 421–431), which describes the convex hull of theset of face vectors ofr-colorable complexes onnvertices. As partof the proof we derive a generalization of Turán’s graph theorem. Cellular structure for the Herzog–Takayama Resolution. Herzog and Takayama constructed explicit resolution for the ide-als in the class of so called ideals with a regular linear quotient.This class contains all matroidal and stable ideals. The resolu-tions of matroidal and stable ideals are known to be cellular. Inthis note we show that the Herzog–Takayama resolution is alsocellular. Clique Vectors ofk-Connected Chordal Graphs. The clique vectorc(G)of a graphGis the sequence(c1,c2,...,cd)inNd, whereciis the number of cliques inGwithivertices anddis the largest cardinality of a clique inG. In this note, we usetools from commutative algebra to characterize all possible cliquevectors ofk-connected chordal graphs.QC 20140513</p

    Social Aspects of New Technologies - the CCTV and Biometric (Framing Privacy and Data Protection) in the Case of Poland

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    The purpose of this paper is to review the institution responsible for the protection of personal data within the European Union and national example - Polish as a country representing the new Member States. The analysis of institutional system - providing legal security of communication and information institutions, companies and citizens against the dangers arising from the ongoing development of innovative new technologies in the European Union and Poland. This article is an attempt to analyze the possibility of using security systems and Biometry CTTV in Poland in terms of legislation. The results of the analysis indicate that, in terms of institutions Poland did not do badly in relation to the risks arising from the implementation of technology. The situation is not as good when it comes to the awareness of citizens and small businesses. This requires that facilitate greater access to free security software companies from data leakage or uncontrolled cyber-terrorist attacks. With regard to the use of security systems, CCTV and biometrics, Poland in legal terms is still early in the process of adapting to EU Directive. The continuous development of technology should force the legislature to establish clear standards and regulations for the application of CCTV technology and biometrics, as it is of great importance in ensuring the fundamental rights and freedoms of every citizen of the Polish Republic.Wyniki analizy wskazują, ĆŒe pod względem instytucji Polska nie wypada Ćșle w odniesieniu do zagroĆŒeƄ wynikających z wdroĆŒenia technologii. Sytuacja nie jest tak dobra, jeƛli chodzi o ƛwiadomoƛć obywateli i mniejszych firm. Wymaga to uƂatwiania szerszego dostępu do darmowych programĂłw zabezpieczających firmy przed wyciekiem danych lub niekontrolowanych cyber-atakĂłw terrorystycznych. W odniesieniu do stosowania systemĂłw zabezpieczeƄ CCTV oraz biometrii, Polska pod względem prawnym jest wciÄ…ĆŒ na początku procesu dostosowania do dyrektywy UE. CiągƂy rozwĂłj technologii powinien zmusić ustawodawcę do stworzenia jednoznacznych standardĂłw i przepisĂłw obowiązujących w zakresie stosowania technologii CCTV oraz biometrii, gdyĆŒ ma to ogromne znaczenie w zapewnieniu podstawowych praw i wolnoƛci kaĆŒdego obywatela Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

    Uncle Sam is Watching You

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    Perspectives for Cyber Strategists on Law for Cyberwar

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    The proliferation of martial rhetoric in connection with the release of thousands of pages of sensitive government documents by the WikiLeaks organization underlines how easily words that have legal meanings can be indiscriminately applied to cyber events in ways that can confuse decision makers and strategists alike. The WikiLeaks phenomenon is but the latest in a series of recent cyber-related incidents––ranging from cyber crises in Estonia and Georgia to reports of the Stuxnet cyberworm allegedly infecting Iranian computers––that have contributed to a growing perception that “cyberwar” is inevitable, if not already underway. All of this generates a range of legal questions, with popular wisdom being that the law is inadequate or lacking entirely. Lt Gen Keith B. Alexander, the first commander of US Cyber Command, told Congress at his April 2010 confirmation hearings that there was a “mismatch between our technical capabilities to conduct operations and the governing laws and policies.” Likewise, Jeffrey Addicott, a highly respected cyber-law authority, asserts that “international laws associated with the use of force are woefully inadequate in terms of addressing the threat of cyberwarfare.” This article takes a somewhat different tact concerning the ability of the law of armed conflict (LOAC) to address cyber issues. Specifically, it argues that while there is certainly room for improvement in some areas, the basic tenets of LOAC are sufficient to address the most important issues of cyberwar. Among other things, this article contends that very often the real difficulty with respect to the law and cyberwar is not any lack of “law,” per se, but rather in the complexities that arise in determining the necessary facts which must be applied to the law to render legal judgments
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