Information structure and the accessibility of clausally introduced referents

This paper will examine the role of various factors in affecting the salience, and hence the accessibility to pronominal reference, of entities introduced into a discourse by a full clause. We begin with the premise that the possibility of pronominal reference with it versus that depends on the cognitive status of the referent, in the sense of Gundel, Hedberg and Zacharski (1993). This formulation of the problem provides grounds for an explanation of the data presented above, and provides a framework within which we examine the role of various other factors in promoting the salience of a clausally introduced entity, including the information structure of the utterance in which the entity is introduced. For entities introduced by clausal complements to bridge verbs, we show that the information structure of the utterance introducing the entity has a partial, or one-sided, effect on the salience of the entity. When the complement clause is focal, the salience of the entity depends only on its referential givenness-newness (in the sense of Gundel 1988, 1999b), as we would expect. But when the complement clause is ground material, the salience of an entity introduced by the clause is enhanced. Other factors, including the presuppositionality of factive and interrogative complements, also serve to enhance the salience of entities introduced by complement clauses

Topic-Continuity and Topic-Shift Effects in Spanish Discourse: A Comparative Analysis of Referring Expressions

Differences in use among referring expressions are usually explained on the basis of the cognitive accessibility of their antecedents, where antecedent accessibility has been operationalized differently in the literature; i.e. as a grammatical role, as syntactic prominence or as antecedent distance. On these grounds, it has been proposed that personal pronouns prefer topical antecedents whereas demonstratives prefer non-topical antecedents. This paper investigates the referring properties of Spanish demonstratives and direct object personal pronouns with the aim to unveil their differences and similarities. My analysis shows that these two expressions are very similar referentially when a narrow view of discourse context is considered. However, important differences show up when a broader notion of context is thrown into the picture; i.e. contexts that extend beyond the immediate previous sentence and beyond the immediate local topic of discourse. Based on my corpus evidence and on previous research on the pragmatic interpretation of referring expressions, I claim that direct object personal pronouns and demonstrative noun phrases crucially differ in the way they contribute to discourse coherence; the former playing the role of topic continuity markers and the latter focalising referents that reintroduce suspended or declining topics and marking (sub)-topic shifts in the discourse

Information structure and the referential status of linguistic expression : workshop as part of the 23th annual meetings of the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft in Leipzig, Leipzig, February 28 - March 2, 2001

This volume comprises papers that were given at the workshop Information Structure and the Referential Status of Linguistic Expressions, which we organized during the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft (DGfS) Conference in Leipzig in February 2001. At this workshop we discussed the connection between information structure and the referential interpretation of linguistic expressions, a topic mostly neglected in current linguistics research. One common aim of the papers is to find out to what extent the focus-background as well as the topic-comment structuring determine the referential interpretation of simple arguments like definite and indefinite NPs on the one hand and sentences on the other

A denotation-driven reanalysis of the Spanish neuter pronominal system

This paper offers an analysis of the Spanish neuter pronominal system that complements the system found in traditional Spanish grammars. A more descriptively and heuristically adequate analysis is proposed that includes pro-forms widely ignored in previous accounts such as phonetically null pronouns and explains a wider range of neuter reference uses, denotations and constructions. I base my analysis on two main basic assumptions. First, I claim that some neuter pronouns can be used either referentially or non-referentially. Following Moltmann's (2013) semantic analysis of presentational pronouns, I argue that the pronoun ‘lo’ that we find in free relative constructions does not have a referential denotation but only a presentational denotation. Second, all neuter pronouns share a common semantic specification as [−individual] expressions in contrast with non-neuter pronouns, which are unspecified for the same feature. This specification allows us to establish a clear division of labor between the so-called neuter and non-neuter reference in Spanish at the pronominal level. I also claim that neuter pronouns have the ability to shift the type of the entity referred to from individuals to properties or sets of properties. This is particularly evident with neuter demonstrative pronouns in uses such as ‘eso es mi coche’ (that is my car) or ‘eso es una mujer’ (that is a woman), which are fairly common in natural discourse. The proposed analysis is framed within a general theory of definiteness (Roberts, 2003) and aligns with the theories of referent accessibility such as the Givenness Hierarchy (Gundel et al., 1993), which allows an explanation for how semantically similar neuter forms encode the cognitive status of their referents differently

Pronominal types and abstract reference in the Danish and Italian DAD corpora

Proceedings of the Second Workshop on Anaphora Resolution (WAR II). Editor: Christer Johansson. NEALT Proceedings Series, Vol. 2 (2008), 63-71. © 2008 The editors and contributors. Published by Northern European Association for Language Technology (NEALT) http://omilia.uio.no/nealt . Electronically published at Tartu University Library (Estonia) http://hdl.handle.net/10062/7129

Constraints on metalinguistic anaphora

The focus of this paper is on a subset of heteronymous mention, namely those cases in which the mentioning expression is, roughly speaking, anaphorically linked to the string it mentions. I will distinguish two subclasses. In the first one, the antecedent of the metalinguistic anaphor is a quotation. This means that both the antecedent and the anaphor refer to a linguistic entity (the same one, it turns out; these expressions are co-referential). In the second subclass, the antecedent is not a quotation; it is a string in ordinary use. Here we have no co-reference: whereas the anaphor refers metalinguistically, the antecedent either refers to an object in the world or does not refer at all. This second subclass is especially interesting because it instantiates a shift in the universe of discourse, from extralinguistic reality to language. Where such a shift occurs, I will speak of ‘world-to-language' anaphora. I will argue that metalinguistic anaphora is best described in terms of a theory that assumes that various anaphoric expressions encode various degrees of salience of referents. But I will also show that salience is built in the context of utterance. It is not necessarily an acquired feature of the referent by the time the anaphor is processed: there is adjustment between the anaphor and its immediate linguistic environment. Besides, we will see that other factors may also affect anaphora resolution, which suggests that the best account must, in essence, be pragmatic

Deictic Reference and Discourse Structure

Research on the factors and processes involved in pronoun interpretation has to date concentrated on anaphoric pronouns. Results have supported the now widely-held view that discourse understanding involves the creation of a partial, mental model of the situation described through the discourse. Anaphoric pronouns are taken to refer to elements of that model (often called discourse referents or discourse entities), usually ones that have, at the moment of referring, some special focus status. This paper examines deictic pronouns - in particular, ones that refer to the interpretation of one or more clauses. I argue that referents for these pronouns must come from the interpretations of discourse segments on the right frontier of an evolving structure representing the discourse. Under the assumption that reference is always to an individual, this implies that discourse segment interpretations must also be part of the evolving discourse model. I discuss this in the last section of the paper

Missing antecedents found

Numerous papers have used so-called 'missing antecedent phenomena' as a criterion for distinguishing deep and surface anaphora. Specifically, only the latter are claimed to licence pronouns with missing antecedents. These papers also argue that missing antecedent phenomena provide evidence that surface anaphora involve unpronounced syntactic structure in the ellipsis site. The present paper suggests that the acceptability judgments on which the argument is based exhibit a confound because they do not take discourse conditions on VPE (a surface anaphor) and VPA (a deep anaphor) into account. Two acceptability experiments provide evidence that what is relevant to the judgments are the discourse conditions and not the presence of deep vs. surface anaphors, casting doubt on the reliability of missing antecedent phenomena as a criterion for deep vs. surface status