127 research outputs found

    Food Supply Chain through Ongoing Evolution: Lessons from Continuous Transformations

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    Considering their constant evolution and transformation, in this Special Issue, several authors provide contributions bringing light to different aspects related to food supply chains, based on several conceptual frameworks, agri-food areas and contexts, as well as multiple levels of analysis. In this book, the promotion of win–win investments in Brazil’s Agribusiness is discussed, as well as how family farmers can thrive in commodity markets in long agribusiness supply chains. The Logic of Collective Action for Rural Warehouse Condominiums, which is a new configuration in the agribusiness supply chain, is also addressed. In this book, the Brazilian Jabuticaba Supply Chain is analyzed through a multi-methodological approach. The role of logistics in food-waste reduction for wholesalers and small retailers of fruits and vegetables is also presented. The issue of transparency in global agribusiness in the Brazilian soybean supply chain is discussed based on companies’ accountability. Finally, the transformation of the food supply chain through technology and future research directions are highlighted in this Special Issue. This book aims to assist students, researchers and practitioners interested in the evolution and transformations of food supply chains

    Collective action and the development of technical standards in U.S. industry

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    Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, 1993.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 111-116).by Alan Bruce Davidson.M.S

    Resource management and the effects of trade on vulnerable places and people : lessons from six case studies

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    Lessons from six case studies illustrate the complex relationships between international trade, vulnerable ecologies and the poor. The studies, taken from Africa, Asia and Latin America and conducted by local researchers, are set in places where the poor live in close proximity to ecologies that are important to global conservation efforts, and focus on the cascading consequences of trade policy for local livelihoods and environmental services. Collectively, the studies show how under-valued common resources are often poorly protected and consequently subject to shifting economic incentives, including those that arise from trade. The studies provide examples where trade works to accelerate the use of natural resources and to exacerbate unsustainable dependencies by the poor, and other examples where trade has the opposite effect. An important conclusion is that local livelihood and technology choices have important consequences for how environmental resources are used and should be taken into account when designing policies to safeguard fragile ecologies.Environmental Economics&Policies,Economic Theory&Research,Emerging Markets,Labor Policies,Population Policies

    Half a century of development economics : a review based on the"Handbook of Development Economics"

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    Development economics has made remarkable progress in 50 years, says the author, summarizing changes in the field since Nehru's first proposals for an independent India. Synthesizing insights about changes in the field from the many contributors to the"Handbook of Development Economics,"the author observes (among other things): 1) Different schools of thought may dominate, but the range of research has broadened. Economics has"hardened"as its practitioners have learned to use data more carefully and to reason more rigorously. 2) The policy message has been turned upside down. Gone is the idea that development is industrialization and that the main policy problem is to manage the interface between country and city. Today urbanization and industrialization are viewed as mere components of an integrated transformation, in which the expansion of foreign trade is central. Traditional institutions are viewed with far more understanding, because overhasty modernization has often proved counterproductive. 3) More than ever, development is seen as a"whole replacement"process, the key to which is mastery of Northern technology--now understood to be both simpler and more complex than previously thought. Simpler, because much technology is uncomplicated, and complex because even simple technology requires ingenuity and a costly investment in adaptations. 4) There has been a radical change in economists'view of market agents and policymakers. Gone are the days when economists thought their advice should be aimed mainly at planners. Policymakers are utility maximizers, too. Employees of state enterprises coalesce into powerful interest groups that block efforts to raise productivity. The new thinking is sometimes modified by evoking the vague concept of"governance,"under which the economist's view is to help design a system of interacting state and private institutions that, led by the state, cooperate in achieving social goals. Whether something useful will come from this line of thinking remains to be seen. The author detects major gaps in economists'undrstanding of development, suggesting a particular need for further study of collective action (a far more pervasive component of human action than is realized) and the selection of roles by individuals and the costly investment this entails (a concept that may shed light on Schumpeter's well-known but little-studied entrepreneur).Labor Policies,Economic Theory&Research,Health Economics&Finance,Environmental Economics&Policies,Decentralization,Health Economics&Finance,Poverty Assessment,Achieving Shared Growth,Economic Theory&Research,Environmental Economics&Policies

    The Emergence Of The American Agriculture Movement, 1977-1979

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    Beginning in late 1977, the media, television in particular, portrayed as a unique cultural phenomenon an emerging American Agriculture Movement (AAM), a pending farm strike, and a depressed farm economy that had caused this mobilization. Much was indeed unique, especially to the individual farmers and the specific manner in which they were attempting to apply political pressures, but the American Agriculture Movement itself was similar to other organizational attempts that have taken place in rural America. In the following paper we chronicle the emergence of the American Agriculture Movement as a distinct entity, identify the common features in the emergence of new farm organizations, and examine the conditions of modern society and technology that affect group formation. AN ORGANIZATION DEVELOPS Despite impressions left from journal and media accounts that portrayed a grass roots insurgency, the emergence of AAM must be seen in terms of an active leadership directing organizing efforts to a relatively inactive constituency.1 These leaders encouraged activism through a concerted strategy of mobilization with an emphasis on the national issue of a farm strike, the reintroduction of a traditional farm movement ideology, and the skillful use of public relations.2 AAM began in mid-summer· 1977 in Campo, Colorado, as an outgrowth of those enduring cafe conversations typical in all farm communities. However, Bud Bitner, George Bitner, Alvin Jenkins, Darrel Schroeder, Gene Schroeder, Van Stafford, and a few regular listeners talked mostly about a new political spokesman for farm interests during this particular summer.3 They saw a gloomy farm economy beset by both low prices and high costs, by an unresponsive government, and by an array of farm interest groups who were out of touch with real farm needs. Their immediate reaction to the 1977 Farm Bill, a piece of legislation that confirmed incentives for large-scale production without high supports, intensified their frustrations about each of these conditions and precipitated a decision to protest. Encouraged by the reception their ideas found in their own community, these locally respected larger-scale farmers and farmrelated businessmen proceeded to develop an organization based on rallies and protests against the political system.4 They would prompt and assist farmers throughout the country to organize as local groups, much along the lines of Farm Bureau county chapters, but without Bureau-related emphasis on nonpolitical services. AAM locals would be pockets of farmer interaction and discussion that would inspire political activism instead of emphasizing individual income.5 The local organizations would Jom in statewide and, finally, national demonstrations of movement support. Farmers, the initial organizers believed, were widely concerned about their weakened economic status but politically lethargic because they lacked inspired leadership

    INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN INDIAN AGRICULTURE

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    Globalization, privatization and scientific advancements pose new challenges and opportunities for the development of Indian agriculture. The emerging paradigm shifts focus to creation and application of new knowledge for agricultural development and global competitiveness. To facilitate this shift and realize greater economic efficiency, a new set of responsive institutions should emerge. This volume discusses the direction of institutional change in Indian agriculture. The roles of the state, markets and collective actions are examined for evolving the knowledge-intensive agriculture. The contributed papers from a number of leading researchers cover the institutions for R&D, land and water resources, credit, marketing, trade and agro-processing.Industrial Organization, International Development,

    The social and institutional aspects of industry-driven fruit fly area-wide management in Australian horticulture industries

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    Queensland fruit fly (Bactrocera tryoni) (QFly) is one of Australia’s most problematic horticultural pests. Key pesticides traditionally used to manage the pest, fenthion and dimethoate, have recently been restricted, resulting in area-wide management (AWM) of QFly becoming a key recommended practice. AWM involves management of the entire pest population by coordinating management strategies across all key pest sources throughout a geographical region. If successful, AWM requires fewer pesticides than traditional farm-by-farm approaches as it reduces the overall pest pressure in a region. It can potentially contribute to supporting market access to QFly-sensitive markets. Success depends on achieving and maintaining cooperation between a critical mass of landholders with QFly hosts on their land as unmanaged hosts provide breeding places for QFly. The increased push for AWM coincides with state governments tending to reduce direct on-ground support for pest management. It is increasingly up to local industries to take the reins of implementing AWM programs. A considerable literature about AWM is available, but it focuses mainly on technical and economic aspects. This research investigated the social and institutional aspects of industry-driven AWM programs based on two research questions: (1) What social and institutional factors influence the success of industry-driven AWM at the local level and how can success be maximised?; and (2) What are the main constraints to an enabling environment for industry-driven AWM implementation and how can these be mitigated? Three case studies, together with literature about socio-ecological systems, were explored to answer question 1. This involved 43 semi-structured interviews, three focus groups and a grower survey involving 98 respondents across the cases. Question 2 was answered based on 33 semi-structured interviews with people operating in the broader QFly management innovation system, representing the technological, institutional, organisational and operational aspects of the QFly domain. These findings together with the grower survey results were analysed through the lens of Agricultural Innovation Systems thinking. The research found that the feasibility of industry-driven AWM depends on factors at the local level and within the broader QFly management innovation system. Locally, a social profile favourable to AWM includes a relatively homogenous grower community; high levels of social capital; existing opportunities to monitor compliance; and a high ratio between those who have an incentive to manage QFly and those who do not. As every region is unique, AWM is best approached through adaptive co-management to bolster local QFly knowledge and support a common narrative and adaptive capacity. This involves ‘learning by doing’ and drawing on different knowledge systems including QFly biology and behaviour; market access; community engagement; and different forms of local knowledge. Market access requirements are best seen as ‘bolt-on’ components. To carry out adaptive co-management, local industries need to be able to readily access the needed knowledge, capabilities and resources. The broader QFly management innovation system needs to be responsive to meeting these needs. Training for key local stakeholders can assist in overcoming limited local capacities. This work found that in the multi-level biosecurity world, the local level can easily become disconnected. Knowledge brokers and interconnected innovation platforms can ensure strong two-way information flow between local programs and other players, such as policy-makers, researchers and market access personnel. Other key difficulties to local industries include the reliance on voluntary approaches for securing wide-spread support and establishing a sustainable income. Complementary policy mechanisms tailored to local conditions to back-up industry-driven approaches are recommended. This research makes an important contribution to successful future QFly management by complementing prevailing high investment in improving QFly management technologies

    Power, Food and Agriculture: Implications for Farmers, Consumers and Communities

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    agriculture casp farmers food powerOne of the most pressing concerns about the industrialization of agriculture and food is the consolidation and concentration of markets for agricultural inputs, agricultural commodities food processing and groceries. In essence a small minority of actors globally exercise great control over food system decisions. This means that because of increased consolidation of these markets globally – from the United States to China to Brazil, from South Africa to the United Kingdom – the vast majority of farmers, consumers and communities are left out of key decisions about how we farm and what we eat. Transnational agrifood firms are motivated by profits and power in the marketplace, leaving other social, economic and ecological goals behind. This creates an agroecological crisis in the face of climate uncertainty but one that is rooted in social and economic organization. In this chapter we detail the current economic organization of agriculture, and briefly describe its negative impacts on farmers, communities and ecology. We conclude by articulating stories of farmer-led resistance that imagine a new food system

    Chilean model of water management in context of water stress

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    Chile hat eine privilegierte FrischwasserverfĂŒgbarkeit im Vergleich zu anderen LĂ€ndern in Lateinamerika aber seine Ressourcen sind ungleich verteilt. Die Hauptstadt Santiago befindet sich fast in der geographischen Mitte des Landes und kann von reichen Wasserreserven schöpfen. Im Norden Chiles ist der Zugang zu frischem Wasser stark begrenzt und es gibt eine offensichtliche Situation von Wasserstress. Im SĂŒden des Landes hingegen gibt es eine reichliche FrischwasserverfĂŒgbarkeit. Jedoch sind es der Bergbau und die intensive landwirtschaftlichen AktivitĂ€ten im Norden und im Zentrum des Landes, die zu einem höheren Frischwasserverbrauch fĂŒhren . Zudem wird Chile aufgrund seiner klimatischen, geographischen und wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen als sehr anfĂ€llig fĂŒr die Auswirkungen des Klimawandels identifiziert. Die mögliche Erhöhung der Temperaturen und der RĂŒckgang der Niederschlagsmenge haben einen wichtigen Einfluss auf die FrischwasserverfĂŒgbarkeit.. Der Zugang zu Wasserressourcen in Chile ist durch einen sogenannten Wassermarkt verwaltet. Wasserressourcen wird hier also zur ökonomischen und von Angebot und Nachfrage auf dem freien Markt definiert. Der institutionelle Rahmen fĂŒr diesen Markt ist das Wassergesetzbuch von 1981, das besagt, dass das Wasser unabhĂ€ngig vom Besitz eines StĂŒck Landes gehandelt werden kann. Eine Reihe von Schwierigkeiten sind in diesem institutionellen Rahmen identifiziert worden, trotzdem zielte die einzige Reform des Wassergesetzbuches (im Jahr 2005) lediglich darauf, die Bedingungen fĂŒr das Funktionieren des Marktes zu verbessern. DarĂŒber hinaus gibt es noch Projekte zur Entwicklung von WassermĂ€rkten in anderen Wassereinzugsgebieten, wo dieses Modell nicht aktiv daran arbeitet. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird deutlich, daß es auch gilt die sozialen und kulturellen Bedingungen des Wassermanagements, die Verwundbarkeit der Bauern und die Anpassungsmöglichkeiten an die Auswirkungen des Klimawandel im Kontext zu verstehen. Meine zentrale Forschungsfrage lautet daher: Welche Voraussetzungenlassen sich im chilenischen Modell des Wassermanagements finden, um Wasserstresssituationen zu bekĂ€mpfen? Um diese Frage zu beantworten, wurde die Forschung im sogenannten "LimarĂ­ Becken" durchgefĂŒhrt, einer Region mit einem sehr aktiven Wassermarkt die sich gleichzeitig in einer Wasserstresssituation befindet. Im LimarĂ­ Becken wird das sogenannte "Paloma System" angewandt. Dieses System besteht aus einem Netz von KanĂ€len und Stauseen, die die Speicherung und Verteilung von Frischwasser ermöglichen, und Bedingungen fĂŒr einen sehr aktiven Wassermarkt erzeugen. Da die Ressource in diesem Becken ein knappes Gut ist, erhĂ€lt sie einen großen wirtschaftlichen Wert, was den Wettbewerb fĂŒr diese Ressource unter den Nutzern verstĂ€rkt. Das Paloma System reguliert den Zugang zu Wasserressourcen der neun Benutzerorganisationen mit einem innovativen Operationssystem. Es verwaltet die Ressource Wasser anhand von drei Stauseen und ermöglicht Transaktionen von Wasserrechten und Wassermengen, Überweisungen, Leasing und Krediten. Im Rahmen der Forschung wurden wie folgt vorgegangen: semi-strukturierten Interviews (52), Gruppeninterviews (3) und ethnographische Beobachtungen, die mithilfe des Software Atlas.ti analysiert wurden. Die Befragten wurden durch ein „Structural Sampling“ ausgewĂ€hlt, in dem Mitglieder von verschiedene Organisationen (Regierung, Zivilgesellschaft, Experten und BewĂ€sserungsverbĂ€nde) und Bauern verschiedener Art (kleine, mittlere und große Landwirte und landwirtschaftlichen Unternehmen) identifiziert wurden. Den theoretischen Rahmen der Analyse der empirischen Daten bildet der Sozial-ökologische System Ansatz, der besonders auf Begriffe wie Verletzlichkeit, Resilienz und soziales Lernen eingeht. FĂŒr die WiderstandsfĂ€higkeit des Paloma Systems sind bestimmte Elemente zu identifizieren: ‱ FlexibilitĂ€t: Eigentumsrechte und Wasserinfrastruktur ermöglichen große FlexibilitĂ€t in dem Becken. Jedoch wurde diese FlexibilitĂ€t aufgrund der Reduzierung der Kulturpflanzenvielfalt und Konzentration des Eigentums auf einige wenige verringert. ‱ KonnektivitĂ€t: Nutzerorganisationen sind in der Regel gut angesehen, aber einige GeschĂ€ftsfĂŒhrer in Verdacht aufgrund ihrer Aktienanteile ausgewĂ€hlt worden zu sein. Gleichzeitig gibt es einen allgemeinen RĂŒckgang der horizontalen Kooperationen, so dass fast nur die UnterstĂŒtzung durch die familiĂ€re Netze bleibt. Die vertikale Kooperation von lokalen, regionalen und nationalen Organisationen birgt gravierende EinschrĂ€nkungen, vor allem in Bezug auf den Austausch zwischen Gemeinden und regionalen Behörden. ‱ Sozial-Ökologisches GedĂ€chtnis: Zum einen hat das traditionelle Wissen ĂŒber Grundwasserneubildung deutlich an Bedeutung verloren, zum anderen gibt es wesentliche Unterschiede zwischen den Bauern in Bezug bei der Identifizierung der Ursache des Wasserstress (Die Ursache wird in entweder dem Becken oder in anderen Teilen des Landes identifiziert). ‱ Selbstorganisation: Durch den Verlust des sozial-ökologischen GedĂ€chtnisses und aufgrund der fehlenden KonnektivitĂ€t zwischen lokalen und nationalen Organisationen, scheint die Möglichkeit Änderungen an den EigentumsverhĂ€ltnissen oder am Wassermanagement vorzunehmen minimal. DarĂŒber hinaus wird in Bezug auf die AnpassungsfĂ€higkeit an Wasserstress das Folgende deutlich: ‱ Identifizierung von Bedrohung: Konstante DĂŒrren werden als Teil des normalen Verhaltens des Beckens identifiziert, und nur sehr wenige erkennen darin den Klimawandel. Von Seiten der Regierung wurden einige Initiativen offiziell gegrĂŒndet, aber nicht wirklich ernst genommen. ‱ SteuerungskapazitĂ€t: Scheint fĂŒr die ersten drei Jahre der DĂŒrre angepasst dank der KapazitĂ€t der Stauseen und KanĂ€le. Allerdings ist es wahrscheinlich, dass das Becken lĂ€nger nutzbar ist. ‱ Wiederherstellungsleistung: Ist sehr begrenzt, weil der Verbrauch von Wasser intensiver und die Plantagen umfangreicher geworden sind. Da es keine Regelungen fĂŒr diese Probleme gibt, werden sogar nicht so schwerwiegende DĂŒrren schwierige und lang anhaltende Auswirkungen haben. ‱ FĂ€higkeit zur Selbstmodifikation: Auf lokaler Ebene besteht hierfĂŒr eine große Chance; BewĂ€sserungsverbĂ€nde haben einige wichtige Vorschriften eingearbeitet. Andererseits sind die landesweiten Möglichkeiten begrenzt; nach 12 Jahren politischer Diskussionen wurden nur kleinere Änderungen im Wassergesetzbuch implementiert und weitergehende Reformen scheinen wenig aussichtsreich. Dieses Chilenische Modell hat gravierende Auswirkungen auf das soziale GerechtigkeitsgefĂŒge, weil es den Zugang zu Wasserressourcen fĂŒr die bĂ€uerliche Landwirtschaft und kleinere Produzenten erschwert, und die Verbesserungen der Lebensbedingungen in lĂ€ndlichen Armutsgebieten erschwert. Die Beteiligung dieses Sektors am Wassermarkt ist stark eingeschrĂ€nkt, sowohl in Bezug auf den Zugang zu wirtschaftlichen Ressourcen als auch zu Informationen. In der Regel sind die Möglichkeiten mit Wasserknappheit umzugehen bei den Landwirten sehr ungleich verteilt. WĂ€hrend der Marktmechanismus gut fĂŒr mittlere und große Bauern funktioniert, weil sie bei Bedarf Wasser kaufen, profitieren Kleinbauern wegen der hohen Preise nur selten oder gar nicht davon. Dennoch ist es möglich, dass sie ihr Wasserrechte verkaufen und auf diese Weise trotz ihrer prekĂ€ren Situation ein Einkommen in DĂŒrrejahren haben. Das chilenische Modell des Wassermanagements hat eine begrenzte AnpassungskapazitĂ€t fĂŒr Situationen der Wasserknappheit und Klimawandel. Die wichtigste EinschrĂ€nkung ist die geringe KapazitĂ€t fĂŒr soziales Lernen und somit die UnfĂ€higkeit langfristige Folgen der getroffenen Entscheidungen zu berĂŒcksichtigen. Dies beeinflusst die WiderstandsfĂ€higkeit des Systems und damit auch seine FĂ€higkeit sich anzupassen.Chile has privileged fresh water availability compared with other countries, but its resources are unevenly distributed through the country. The capital, Santiago, is located at the center of the country. While access to fresh water is limited and there is evident water stress from Santiago to the North, the availability of fresh water in southern Chile is abundant. Yet, mainly due to mining and agricultural activities, its use is more intensive in the north and center of the country. At the same time, Chile is highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change due to its climatic, geographical, and economic conditions. Possible increases in temperature and decreases in rainfall can have an important impact on fresh water availability, affecting an important part of the Chilean territory. Access to water resources in Chile is managed by a so-called water market in which water resources are a commodity subject to the forces of supply and demand, based on a free-market regime that regulates the use and consumption of national resources. The institutional framework for this market is a legal document called the Water Code (CĂłdigo de Aguas, enacted in 1981), which states that water can be traded independently of the ownership of the land. A number of difficulties have been identified with this institutional framework, but the only significant reform to the Water Code (enacted in 2005) was merely intended to improve conditions for the functioning of the market. Moreover, there are ongoing projects to develop water markets in other watersheds where this system is not yet operative. From this background, it is essential to understand the social and cultural conditions related to water management, the vulnerability of farmers, and possible adaptations to the effects of climate change. The central research question is: what conditions are present in the Chilean model of water management in order to address situations of water stress? To answer this question, I have performed my research in the LimarĂ­ basin, where the water market is active and there is an ongoing situation of water stress. In the LimarĂ­ basin, the so-called “Paloma System” is operational. This system consists of a network of canals and reservoirs that allows fresh water to be stored and distributed, generating conditions to maintain a highly active water market. Since water is a scarce commodity in the LimarĂ­ basin, it acquires great economic value, generating strong competition among users. The Paloma System regulates the access to water resources of nine user organizations with an innovative operating system that manages resources from three reservoirs and enables transactions involving water rights and volumes, in addition to transfers, leases, and loans of water volumes. The investigation techniques used in carrying out the research were: semi-structured interviews (52), group interviews (3), ethnographic observation, and analysis using ATLAS.ti. The interviewees were selected through structural sampling, which identifies people representing different organizations (government, civil society, experts, and irrigator associations) and farmers of different types (small, medium and large-scale farmers and agricultural companies). The theoretical tools used to analyze the empirical data are based on socio-ecological systems and their applications to the notions of vulnerability, resilience and social learning. From the analysis, it is possible to identify elements relevant to the resilience of the system: Flexibility: Property rights and water infrastructure allow great plasticity in the basin, meaning resources shift to where their use is more efficient. However, due to the reduction of crop diversity and the concentration of property, this flexibility has decreased. Connectivity: User organizations are well evaluated in general. However, there is suspicion of some leaders because the directors are chosen in relation to the proportion of shares. There is generally a parallel decrease of horizontal collaborations, leaving only some family support. Vertical collaboration, which refers to the relationship between local, regional, and national organizations, has serious limitations, especially in the relationship between communities and regional authorities. Socio-ecological memory: On one hand, it is possible to identify a significant loss of ancestral knowledge of groundwater recharge. On the other, farmers may face significant differences in addressing the problems of water stress depending on their origin (from the basin or other parts of the country). Self-organization: Due to the loss of social-ecological memory and the lack of connectivity between local and national organizations, there appears to be a minimal ability to deal with modifications in ownership structures or water management. Moreover, in relation to adaptability to water stress, one can state the following: Identification of threat: Constant droughts are identified as part of the normal behavior of the basin and only very few informants identified climate change as a threat. At governmental level, a few formal initiatives have been formally established, but the issue has not been taken seriously. Control capacity: It seems to be well matched for the first three years of drought, thanks to the capacity of reservoirs. However there is not control capacity in the long term. Recovery capacity: This is very limited due to the increasingly intensive use of water and more extensive plantations. There is no regulation on this issue, so the effects of milder droughts are more severe and widespread. Self-modification ability: Locally this capacity is relatively good. Irrigator organizations have incorporated some important regulations. Nationally, however, capacity is very low. After 12 years of discussion, only minor modifications have been made to the Water Code and there is no prospect of more in-depth reform. This model has a serious impact on social equality, because it does not facilitate access to water resources for peasant farmers and small producers, thus hindering the improvement of living conditions in poor rural areas. The participation of this sector in the water market is limited, due to restricted access to economic resources and lack of information. In general, the potential for farmers to deal with water scarcity is very unevenly distributed. The market is useful for medium- and large-scale farmers, but not for small farmers. The former have the ability to buy water when required, while the latter cannot access it due to high prices. Nevertheless, the market allows small farmers to sell their water instead of cultivating and in this manner they can receive some income in drought years, although in a very precarious situation. The Chilean model has a limited capacity to adapt to situations of water scarcity and to the challenges of climate change. The main limitation is a low capacity for social learning and inability to consider the long-term consequences of decisions. This significantly affects the resilience of the system and therefore also its ability to adapt
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