Electoral pressures for change: the effect of political reform

A cartoon in the Asahi Shinbun dated 11 August 1993 shows the leaders of the seven political parties participating in the Hosokawa coalition government formed two days before. They are wielding samurai swords and standing triumphant on the inert body of a dinosaur labeled ‘single party control’. One of the leaders is holding a banner that reads: ‘Next is political reform’, and the caption to the cartoon expresses the following sentiment: ‘By launching [the new Cabinet], “One Great Task” has been completed’ ( Asahi Shinbun, 11 August 1993). At the time it was easy to regard the formation of the first non-Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Cabinet for nearly 38 years as a heroic event. A party mired in corruption, preferring backstage deals to open government and massively influenced by irresponsible bureaucrats and self-serving interest groups had been vanquished by a coalition of far-sighted reformers. These reformers were proposing a coherent programme to democratise and modernise the political, economic and social systems and practices of Japan. As happens following most revolutions, however, what ensued was far more messy and confusing, the politics more murky and the achievements more ambiguous than the initial mood of euphoria would have predicted. Indeed, within a mere nine months of losing office, the LDP dinosaur had revived, and though much less powerful than before, was taking its first steps on the road to regaining its dominant political position. The Hosokawa Cabinet adumbrated a reform agenda whose principal elements were deregulation, decentralisation, economic reforms and a radical change to the electoral system for the House of Representatives. In the event, partly because the tenure of office of his government was so brief, Hosokawa’s only solid achievement in the area of political reform was a wholesale rewriting of the electoral law for the Lower House. Although, however, this was arguably the one really major political change that took place in the 1990s, to gauge its effects is far more problematic. Indeed, it is a central argument of this paper that the effects of changing the Lower House electoral system have been quite limited, and that the causes of the most crucial political changes of the 1990s must be sought largely elsewhere. (It is possible, of Pacific Economic Papers course, that the new electoral system may produce more substantial effects in the future, but in any case we cannot assume that the new system will not be further revised in the next few years.

Management of political behaviour in organisations

In this research paper, the constructive management of political behaviour in organisations was investigated. A general overview of relevant aspects which specifically relate to the constructive management of political behaviour in the automotive industry was presented. The literature study included a discussion of the nature of political behaviour and guidelines for the management of political behaviour in organisations. The research methodology consisted of three phases: Phase 1: A literature study to determine guidelines to manage political behaviour in organisations constructively. Phase 2: An empirical study to determine the effectiveness of these guidelines in practice by means of a survey amongst role players in the automotive industry in South Africa. Phase 3: The findings from the literature study and empirical study were integrated into guidelines of how managers can manage political behaviour constructively. The study identified nine main strategies for managing political behaviour. They are: Open communication. Communication must be open to keep all parties informed and to prevent distrust. Reduction of uncertainty. This involves preventing employees being unsure of what the future holds. Awareness. The aim of awareness is for managers to be sensitive to and aware of situations that could elicit political behaviours. Furthermore, they must recognize political behaviour for what it is. Setting an example. Managers must set an exemplary example and not engage in political behaviour. An understanding of the reason/motivation for the formation of informal (political) groups or cliques. Having established the reason why political groups form will enable a manager to manage them more effectively. Confront political game players. Managers must address all forms of possible political behaviour in a serious manner. Understanding the organisation’s strategy, goals and action plans. All employees need to know exactly what direction the organization is moving in and what is in it for them. It is management’s task to ensure this open and clear communication, to prevent fears and political behaviour. Tie resource allocation and rewards to strategy. This can be achieved by ensuring that the criteria for the allocation of rewards is straight forward and understood by all. Reward systems must, furthermore, be directly linked to performance. There should also be transparency in decision-making. Isolate resource acquisition from internal operations. It is necessary to clearly specify the conditions and ground rules for the acquisition of resources to ensure that the process is transparent. The conclusion reached is that political behaviour in organizations can be managed constructively to build win-win relationships

US Election Analysis 2016: Media, Voters and the Campaign.

Featuring 83 contributions from leading academics and emerging scholars across the world, this publication captures the immediate thoughts and early research insights on the 2016 US Presidential Election from the cutting edge of media and politics research. Published 10 days after the election, these contributions are short and accessible. Authors provide authoritative analysis of the campaign, including research findings or new theoretical insights; to bring readers original ways of understanding the election and its consequences. Contributions also bring a rich range of disciplinary influences, from political science to popular culture, journalism studies to advertising. We hope this makes for a vibrant and engaging read

The conservative resistance against women's bodily integrity in Latin America : the case of Chile

This research analyses the conservative resistance to women's women's bodily integrity, specifically women's sexual and reproductive rights in Chile, responding to the questions (1) How are policies on sexual and reproductive rights contested and blocked in Chile? and (2) What drives this resistance? Using empirical analysis and qualitative research, it explores the historical legacies of the dictatorship (1973 - 1989) and its implications for current policy making and the history, strategies and influence of the Catholic Church. It also looks in detail at three current policy processes: sexuality education, access to emergency contraception and decriminalization of therapeutic abortion. It concludes that women's sexual and reproductive rights challenge core conservative principles and generate fear of social change. They are contested by principles institutionalized by the dictatorship, based on conservative ideas about naturalized gender roles and the roles of institutions within a perceived organic and natural society. Institutional legacies include the political and economic system, the subsidiary role assigned to the state limiting its reach and giving space to conservative private businesses to influence policy making. Progress is slow because political institutions and political parties are vulnerable to conservative in uence, evidenced by the role of the Catholic Church in the transition to democracy, and in the shift to a conservative agenda in the 1990s. The political power and influence of the Chilean conservative elite has also been key. The resistance is driven by committed conservatives using a range of strategies, convinced of the need to maintain a natural order in the family and gender relations, where reproductive rights challenge this order. The resistance is also facilitated by politicians and authorities at local level

Contesting the vision: Mahathirism, the power bloc and the crisis of hegemony in Malaysia

Abstract available: p.

Ideational leadership in German welfare state reform: how politicians and policy ideas transform resilient institutions

The author of this innovative study argues that key politicians and their policy ideas, through "ideational leadership", have played an important role in the passing of structural reforms in the change-resistant German welfare state. This argument is based on in-depth case studies of individual reforms in health care, pensions and unemployment insurance since the early 1990s as well as a concise analysis of recent changes in family policy. Stiller concludes that Germany, traditionally a Bismarckian welfare state, has embarked on a path of 'hybridisation' that confronts German politics with growing societal divisions. This thought-provoking title is highly recommended for policymakers, scholars and students interested in the past and future reforms of the German welfare state, leadership, and the role of ideas in policymaking.Hoe worden ingrijpende hervormingen in de alom als weerbarstig beschouwde Duitse welvaartsstaat doorgevoerd? Dit boek betoogt dat het 'ideeëngerichte leiderschap' van vooraanstaande politici in belangrijke mate invloed heeft uitgeoefend op de institutionele veranderingen in het sociaal beleid. Sabina Stiller baseert haar bevindingen op diepgaande case studies van afzonderlijke hervormingen in de gezondheidszorg, pensioenen en werkloosheidsverzekering sinds het begin van de jaren '90 van de vorige eeuw. De auteur biedt een langetermijnperspectief op beleidshervormingen binnen deze gebieden, maar ook op gezinsbeleid waar recentelijk aanzienlijke hervormingen hebben plaatsgevonden. Ideational Leadership in German Welfare State Reform concludeert dat deze 'Bismarckiaanse' verzorgingsstaat zich op een pad van 'hybridisering' bevindt, die de Duitse politiek confronteert met groeiende sociale ongelijkheid. Dit boek is onmisbaar voor studenten, academici en mensen die geïnteresseerd zijn in de rol van beleidsideeën, leiderschap en de recente hervormingen van de Duitse welvaartsstaat

Constraints on multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe: opposition politics and Zanu-PF (1980-2015).

Doctoral Degree. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban.This study is informed by Gramsci’s hegemony theory complemented by instrumentalism to analyse the constraints on multiparty democracy under the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government. Zimbabwe since independence in 1980 was led by President Robert Gabriel Mugabe for 37 years up to 2017 when the military edifice deposed him. Electoral contests between the Mugabe-led ZANU-PF and pro-democratic opposition parties, inclusive of those that were formed out of ZANU-PF, gave the opposition no chance of gaining power. The closest the opposition came to winning was the March 2008 harmonised elections when the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) broke ZANU-PF parliamentary hegemony, and when Morgan Tsvangirai beat Mugabe for president, only to be prevented from forming a government on grounds of electoral technicalities. This dissertation is premised on the constraints on the institutionalisation of multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe. It analyses the efficacy of the growing opposition to ZANU-PF rule and how the liberation narrative espoused by ZANU-PF critically hampered the development of democratic traditions. This dissertation contributes to our understanding of attendant challenges to effective multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe in view of the military takeover in 2017. It is a study that transcends the narrow confines of analysing ZANU-PF alone and blaming it for mayhem in the country. Rather, the research posits that the governance crisis in Zimbabwe is a shared responsibility. The shortcomings in the objectives, strategies and modus operandi of opposition political parties in Zimbabwe and the strength of ZANU-PF are analysed. The extent to which opposition parties were sponsored by western countries to effect regime change, and the extent to which their political programmes were largely driven and shaped by internal considerations and reflected the ‘will of the people’, were evaluated. The thesis considers ethnic divisions and post-independence inheritances in making conflict inevitable. It argues that ZANU-PF built up strong liberation narratives designed to entrench its hegemony, with media portrayal of opposition parties and ZANU-PF to serve different ends. Finally, the role of the military in Zimbabwean politics, oftentimes characterised by unremitting violence, is considered as militating against peaceful democratic politics and a smooth political transition after the 2018 elections

Covid Conspiracy Theories in Global Perspective

Covid Conspiracy Theories in Global Perspective examines how conspiracy theories and related forms of misinformation and disinformation about the Covid-19 pandemic have circulated widely around the world. Covid conspiracy theories have attracted considerable attention from researchers, journalists, and politicians, not least because conspiracy beliefs have the potential to negatively affect adherence to public health measures. While most of this focus has been on the United States and Western Europe, this collection provides a unique global perspective on the emergence and development of conspiracy theories through a series of case studies. The chapters have been commissioned by recognized experts on area studies and conspiracy theories. The chapters present case studies on how Covid conspiracism has played out (some focused on a single country, others on regions), using a range of methods from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, including history, politics, sociology, anthropology, and psychology. Collectively, the authors reveal that, although there are many narratives that have spread virally, they have been adapted for different uses and take on different meanings in local contexts. This volume makes an important contribution to the rapidly expanding field of academic conspiracy theory studies, as well as being of interest to those working in the media, regulatory agencies, and civil society organizations, who seek to better understand the problem of how and why conspiracy theories spread