300 research outputs found


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    When we first started this research, I noticed that there were a significant number of studies focused entirely on China’s Belt and Road Initiative in the African continent and reshaping African politics, yet very few is being said about the Chinese increasing influence in the Western Balkans. The Rise of Chinese Influence in Albania: The Political Maturation of Albania when Dealing with Its Historical Ally, which is the title of this essay, came to me as a very intriguing idea. This idea of a far eastern country influencing the Balkans for the first time is both exciting as a prospect but also concerning when considering the past or which country is the one that is spreading all that influence. A common misconception regarding China in global politics is that the Chinese state is working towards what some pundits in the West call it ‘global dominance’. I believe that this is an incorrect assumption. China first and foremost lacks the military capabilities of the United States regarding the capacity of projecting power. In this study the findings I had gathered, show that China has operationalized its vast economic power to influence the politics of the Western Balkans towards their national interests. This hypothesis is based on the theory of political economics where economy is used as a factor to influence a country’s politics, but also contemporary geopolitical theory. The expectation was that the influence of China is not as malign and negative as it is often portrayed, however there is a clear national interest centered approach where China is only looking only for their own interests and bottom line, while caring little for implicit negative effects that its economic investments might have in the respective countries. Albania was chosen as the main area of research because Albania has become quite the battleground of influences from both the East and West in recent years

    Building the Intimate Boundaries of the Nation:The Regulation of Mixed Intimacies in Colonial Libya and the Construction of Italian Whiteness (1911-1942)

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    The study of the regulation of "mixed" intimacies between Italian settlers and people that fell under Italian colonial rule can clarify processes of racialization of subaltern social groups while pointing at the construction of Italian whiteness in the colonial environment. However, research on mixed intimacies during Italian colonialism has focused solely on the Eastern African colonial contexts, namely, how such relationships unfolded and were regulated in Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia during Italian colonial rule. With this research, I aim to add to this research landscape the context of the Italian colonization of Libya (1911-1942), to assess whether Italian colonial administrators regulated intimacies between Italians and Libyans and to ascertain whether these regulations played a role in the racialization of Libya and the identification of Italians as white. In order to do so, I deployed a socio-legal and cultural analysis approach to the examination of official archival sources collected in the Italian state, Vatican, and Missionary congregations' archives. Through such an analysis, the regulations of mixed intimacies collected in the archives are juxtaposed with the social changes that influenced and were influenced by the policing of intimacy in the Libyan colonial context. The main finding of this research is that Italian colonial administrators regulated mixed intimacies throughout their colonial presence in Libya to establish the category of whiteness on the settler population while racializing Libyans as Others. In particular, this research found that the racialization of the colonial Other through the regulation of mixed intimacies was a significant factor that allowed a modern, white, European subjectivity to emerge and represent itself as a signifier of Italian identity in the empire. Regulating mixed intimacies coincided with keeping control of categorization processes that affected both colonizing and colonized societies, therefore representing an untapped resource in understanding the historical production of racial categories in the Italian colonial context

    Gender and political terrorism. Militants' specificities in RB, PIRA and PLO

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    openMolti studi hanno ritratto le donne terroriste come deviate, pazze e mostruose. Nonostante ci fosse giĂ  della letteratura sulle motivazioni che hanno portato queste donne alla lotta armata, prospettive di genere sono state raramente applicate e gli esperti di terrorismo tendono a etichettare le donne, rispetto ai loro compagni terroristi, nella solita maniera deumanizzante e degradante. La mia intenzione Ăš quella di presentare un'alternativa a questi studi e dimostrare che le donne scelsero la violenza anche per ragioni politiche come la causa femminista. L'analisi si basa su tre casi specifici: le Brigate Rosse, la Provisional IRA e l'Organizzazione per la Liberazione della Palestina. L'utilizzo della teoria dei Nuovi Movimenti Sociali serve a cogliere l'intera vita e caratteristiche delle donne ribelli, l'influenza dei movimenti di protesta del 1968 e il periodo geopolitico instabile, segnato dalla minaccia di una guerra nucleare, varie trasformazioni culturali cosĂŹ come le crisi economiche globali.Many narratives about women and their involvement in terrorist activities have depicted them as deviant, mad and monstrous. Although already much research has been made to assess their reasons to join armed groups, gender perspectives are rarely taken into consideration and terrorist specialists tend to target them in the same dehumanizing and degrading way compared to their male counterparts. My intention is to present a different side of the same coin and to demonstrate that women underwent political violence even for a feminist cause. The analysis focuses on three specific cases: the Italian Red Brigades, the Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Palestinian Liberation Organization. The adoption of the New Social Movements theory is beneficial to grasp the whole life and characteristics of female rebels, the influence of the protest movements of the 1968 and the tumultuous geopolitical times, signed by the threat of a nuclear war, various cultural transformations as well as global economic crises

    Bridge across the Bosporus

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    Originally published in 1971. With AtatĂŒrk's guiding reforms, Turkey underwent a sweeping modernization of the country's administration. More specifically, by adopting the Latin alphabet, secularizing the country's governance, and importing European laws and jurisprudence, Mustafa Kemal AtatĂŒrk effectively reformed the Republic of Turkey into a secular, modern nation-state. In doing so, he introduced a number of foreign policy commitments. Ferenc A. VĂĄli examines the flexibility of Turkey's foreign commitments in light of the country's modernization; depending on the circumstance, Turkey's foreign policy has wavered between Western alliance and neutrality. Examining Turkey's foreign policy in the twentieth century, VĂĄli provides historical background for Turkey's transition form an empire to a nation-state. VĂĄli also assesses Turkey's relations with NATO, Western allies, Russia, the Baltic States, and the Middle East. For his research, VĂĄli conducted interviews with officials of the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, political party leaders, academics, journalists, and members of diplomatic missions

    The language of resistance : the transnational Black American press, public culture, and public discourse during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-1941

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    This study investigated Pan-Africanist, Black Nationalist, Communist, liberal, and pacifist anti-fascist internationalist discourses articulated by Black publicists as they expressed solidarity around the Ethiopian cause during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, 1934-1941. The study adopted critical discourse analysis to offer insight into the Black press' role in the Black public's attitudes and insights regarding Ethiopian war and its relationship to the expansion of global fascism. It also relied on Benedict Anderson's notion of an imagined community. Publications and political discourse functioned as a connecting thread that facilitated the creation of an imagined anti-fascist political community leading to the expansion of Black political culture support for the Ethiopian cause. This study concluded that the war resulted in the Black Americans from all strata of society and political affiliation becoming more international-minded as they expressed solidarity around the Ethiopian cause. However, this occurred while diasporic politics evolved from a racially nationalist discourse to a liberal anti-fascist internationalist discourse, uniting broad political coalitions that came to a consensus that the Ethiopian crisis and the expansion of fascism in Europe showed how the international community defined liberal democracy compared to anti-fascists. The Ethiopian War also challenged the Roosevelt administration's commitment to anti-fascism and the extension of democratic rights to Black Americans. Roosevelt used Ethiopia as a chess piece because of its strategic importance in East Africa, which became a major front during World War II in the fight against fascism in Africa

    Secret Affairs

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    Originally published in 1995. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was paralyzed from the waist down, but he concealed the extent of his disability from a public that was never permitted to see him in a wheelchair. FDR's Secretary of State was old and frail, debilitated by a highly contagious and usually fatal disease that was as closely guarded a state secret as his wife's Jewish ancestry. The undersecretary was a pompous and aloof man who married three times but, when intoxicated, preferred sex with railroad porters, shoeshine boys, and cabdrivers. These three legendary figures—Franklin Roosevelt, Cordell Hull, and Sumner Welles—not only concealed such secrets for more than a decade but did so while directing United States foreign policy during some of the most perilous events in the nation's history. Irwin Gellman brings to light startling new information about the intrigues, deceptions, and behind-the-scenes power struggles that influenced America's role in World War II and left their mark on world events, for good or ill, in the half-century that followed. Gellman had unprecedented access to previously unavailable documents, including Hull's confidential medical records, unpublished manuscripts of Drew Pearson and R. Walton Moore, and Sumner Welles's FBI file. Gellman concludes that while Roosevelt, Hull, and Welles usually agreed on foreign policy matters, the events that molded each man's character remained a mystery to the others. Their failure to cope with their secret affairs—to subordinate their personal concerns to the higher good of the nation—eventually destroyed much of what they hoped would be their legacy. Roosevelt never explained his objectives to his vice president, Harry Truman, or to anyone else. Hull never groomed a successor, and Welles kept his foreign assignations as classified as his sexual orientation. Gellman tells the dramatic story of how three Americans—despite private demons and bitter animosities—could work together to lead their nation to victory against fascism

    Heroes, Traitors, and Survivors in the Borderlands of Empire

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    Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhundert bildete der aus zahlreichen Grenzgebieten bestehende und zwischen der Habsburgermonarchie, Serbien und Montenegro befindliche SandĆŸak die nördlichsten Teile der osmanischen Provinz Kosovo. Dessen multikonfessionelle und mehrsprachige Einwohner waren bis zu frĂŒhen 1920er Jahren den Regierungspraktiken von fĂŒnf Staaten unterworfen: dem Osmanischen Reich, Montenegro, Serbien, der Habsburgermonarchie und dem Königreich der Serben, Kroaten und Slowenen. Es gelang jedem dieser Staaten, die Einheimische fĂŒr ihre eigenen militĂ€rischen Zwecke zu mobilisieren. Bislang hat sich die Geschichtsschreibung entweder auf eine imaginĂ€re Gemeinschaft oder auf Regierungsstrukturen konzentriert. Die vorliegende Dissertation bietet einen umfassenderen und differenzierteren Ansatz, indem sie eine lokale Perspektive einnimmt und bei den MobilmachungsbemĂŒhungen des Staates nach dem „Großen im Kleinen“ sucht. Die Studie zeigt, dass die militĂ€rischen Mobilisierungen ein Feld konstruierten, das er ermöglicht, verschiedene Staatsziele zu analysieren, einschließlich der Figurationen zwischen der herrschenden Eliten und den Einheimischen. Die ErzĂ€hlung konzentriert sich auf staatliche PlĂ€ne, die die Mobilmachungen zu verschleiern versuchten, und auf die Lebenswelten der Einheimischen. Hierzu werden verschiedene Ebenen des Regimewechsels, die Vorstellungen von LoyalitĂ€t, Sicherheit und Ungewissheit im Wandel untersucht. Die Dissertation befasst sich mit Praktiken der Abgrenzung und Verdinglichung auferlegter Kategorien, mit Strategien der herrschenden Eliten, mit Widerstandstaktiken der Einheimischen, mit der Position von Frauen und Kindern in diesem Kontext. Die militĂ€rischen Mobilmachungen des Staates zielen darauf ab, den Übergang von Grenzgebieten als Ort, an dem gesellschaftliche GefĂŒge verschwommen sind, zu angrenzendem Land, wo feste ethnonationale Hierarchien und die Verwaltung von Ressourcen – in staatlicher Hand etablieret sind, zu erleichtern. Die Studie zeigt, dass dies kein eindimensionaler Prozess war.At the beginning of the 20th century, the SandĆŸak, a mental map that consisted of numerous borderlands, made up the northmost parts of the Ottoman province of Kosovo. By the early 1920s, its multi-confessional and multi-lingual inhabitants were subject to the governmental practices of the five polities: The Ottoman Empire, Montenegro, Serbia, the Habsburg Monarchy, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Each of these states managed to mobilize the locals for their own military purposes (the Balkans Wars (1912/13) and World War I). The historiography has dealt namely with the broader setting, either by focusing on one imagined community or on governmental structures. The present study offers a more nuanced approach by attending to a local perspective and searching for the “big in the small” in the state’s mobilization efforts. The study contents that the military mobilizations constructed a field through which analyzing various states' goals, including figurations between the ruling elites and the locals of various forms of capital and gender, is feasible. The narrative is centered on the state’s hidden plans, which the mobilizations aptly veiled, and on the lifeworld of the locals by investigating various levels of regime change and the notions of loyalty, security, and uncertainty from Ottoman to SCS rule. The study deals with the practices of demarcation and/or reification of imposed categories; its strategies for achieving mobilization of the borderlands’ inhabitants; how the tactics of the latter, regardless of confession, were used to defy the governance policies; the position of women and children in this game; and all their local social networks. The state’s military mobilizations were aimed at facilitating the transition of borderlands, as a place where societal boundaries were blurred, to bordered land, where fixed ethno-national hierarchizations and the management of resource – in the hands of the state – were achieved. The dissertation shows that this transition was not a one-dimensional process

    Spain in the security council

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    The Security Council (SC) is a venue where many different countries gather to deal with matters of international peace and security. Spain has held a seat in the SC on four occasions (1969-1970, 1981-1982, 1993-1994, and 2003-2004). The presence of Spain in these different periods of its recent history allows us to examine the evolution of the Spanish foreign policy over that period. The conclusions that can be drawn are two: First, that the presence in the SC has consolidated Spain as a relevant actor in international relations; second, that Spain's role in the SC can serve as an inspiration for other countries that, like Spain, pursue a more active multilateral and supportive role in international affairs