Topological invariants of classification problems

AbstractThere is a general agreement that problems which are highly complex in any naive sense are also difficult from the computational point of view. It is therefore of great interest to find invariants and invariant structures which measure in some respect the complexity of the given problem. The question which we are going to consider in the following paper are classification problems, the “computations” are described by questionnaires [3, 10] or, as they are called nowadays, by “branching programs” [11]. The “complexity” of the problem is measured by classical topological invariants (Betti numbers, Euler-Poincaré characteristic) of topological structures (simplicial complexes, topological spaces)

Devaluation and income inequality: Evidence from Pakistan

The paper examines the impact of nominal devaluation on income distribution in Pakistan. In the empirical model we include economic growth, measured per capita; trade-openness; foreign direct investment (FDI); unemployment and inflation rates which appear well justified in the particular context of the economy of Pakistan. The Auto Regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach to cointegration has been employed for the long run relation; and the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) for the short run dynamics. We also test the Kuznets inverted-U relation between income inequality and economic growth. We find long run relationship among the series; and that nominal devaluation worsens income inequality. Though economic growth appears to deteriorate income distribution, the non-linear link between the variables depicts Kuznets’ (1955) type inverted-U relationship. This is reassuring for Pakistan in the long run. We also find FDI and trade-openness worsens income distribution. Inflation lowers income inequality but unemployment aggravates it in Pakistan.Devaluation, Income Inequality, EKC, ARDL

Bounded analysis of constrained dynamical systems: a case study in nuclear arms control

We introduce a simple dynamical system that describes key features of a bilateral nuclear arms control regime. The evolution of each party's beliefs and declarations under the regime are represented, and the e ects of inspection processes are captured. Bounded analysis of this model allows us to explore { within a nite horizon { the consequences of changes to the rules of the arms control process and to the strategies of each party, bounded scope invariants for variables of interest, and dynamics for initial states containing strict uncertainty. Together these would potentially enable a decision support system to consider cases of interest irrespective of unknowns. We realize such abilities by building a Python package that draws on the capabilities of a Satis ability Modulo Theory (SMT) solver to explore particular scenarios and to optimize measures of interest { such as the belief of one nation in the statements made by another, or the timing of an unscheduled inspection such that it has maximum value. We show that these capabilities can in principle support the design or assessment of future bilateral arms control instruments by applying them to a set of representative and relevant test scenarios with realistic nite horizons

Nuclear Apartheid is Justified

Nuclear apartheid is the condition of great powers maintaining nuclear arsenals while prohibiting other states from building similar weapons. Some have argued that nuclear apartheid is an unjust arrangement because of its inherent inequality and discrimination. I argue that because of the role differentiation between great powers and minor powers, nuclear weapons in the hands of great powers actually produce a more stable international system than either alternative of mass nuclear proliferation or total disarmament and on this basis find it normatively superior.No embargoAcademic Major: Political Scienc

Our Nuclear Quandary: Deliberating U.S. Nuclear Armament & its Alternatives for Execution 1946-1961

Sitting amongst his National Security Councilors in 1958, President Eisenhower quipped of how he “could remember well when the military used to have no more than 70 targets in the Soviet Union and believed that destruction of these 70 targets would be sufficient.” Yet moments later, Eisenhower would grant his approval of a nuclear targeting plan which would strike all Soviet cities over the population of 25,000—a plan requiring thousands, not dozens, of nuclear weapons. The potential consequences of this dramatic surge in nuclear armament has led scholars to dispute how to characterize operational planning during the Nuclear Arms Race. Is the nature of nuclear deterrence one that results in a long peace as argued by John Lewis Gaddis? Or is David Alan Rosenberg’s assessment correct that U.S. nuclear posturing through the 1950’s was outright overkill? How can renowned scholars of nuclear history reach such incongruous conclusions as to what nuclear weapons fundamentally are? Through “Our Nuclear Quandary” I broaden the dialogue of nuclear planning beyond the entrenched “hawk-dove” debate. If executed, the nuclear plans orchestrated by the U.S. would be genocidal. Yet this fundamentally rational state could conceive of no alternative to wholescale and long-term death. My scholarship uses nuclear targeting to display the larger failures of the state-governance system in the atomic age. It contemplates the uneasy truth that a rational state is willing to fund, organize, and potentially execute a war plan that could end human habitation of this planet when threatened

Institutionalized Discrimination in the Legal System: A Socio-Historical Approach

Despite many of the social, political, and economic changes of the 1960s, discrimination is still prevalent in the United States. Increasingly, evidence of discrimination can be seen in our nation\u27s courts, institutions of higher education, in public policy decisions, and every social, political and economic institution. The question of how this can be in these days of ethnic and cultural diversity has aroused considerable interest among social scientists, as well as among the general public. One area that has been the target of considerable research is the criminal justice system. Wilbanks[1] has suggested that it is a myth that the criminal justice system is racist and discriminates against blacks and other minorities. This paper argues to the contrary. It is suggested that Wilbanks has inappropriately applied a microlevel analysis to a macrolevel phenomenon. Examining the historical-structural nature of the legal systems points to great disparities in the status quo of US jurisprudence

Colonialism and Industrialization: Empirical Results

This paper presents theory and evidence to show that imperialism was a major factor impeding the spread of the industrial revolution during the century ending in the 1950s. Two empirical results stand out. First, analysis of historical evidence shows that most sovereign countries were implementing active industrial policies during the nineteenth century, while policies in dependent countries were biased in the opposite direction. Second, when allowance is made for economic determinants, industrialization in dependent countries in 1960 is found to be significantly lower than in sovereign countries. This result is shown to be quite robust to changes in data, sample size, functional forms, and specifications of the estimating equations. In particular, the basic results are not affected by the inclusion of a dummy for Sub-Saharan Africa

The independence-dependence paradox: stability dilemmas in south

Has a new era of detente and stability emerged in South Asia five years after India and Pakistan first openly tested nuclear weapons? In the process, have India and Pakistan effectively demonstrated the value of nuclear weapons in deterring war? Deterrence optimists claim that fear of the ultimate weapon has restrained the otherwise rough actors who have been at each others' throats more often than any other nuclear neighbors in the nuclear age. Empirical evidance also suggests that the region has been spared from major wars, despite recurrent crises during the past two decades. Deterrence pessimists, however, dispute that nuclear weaons have had a stabilizing impact in the region. Indeed, the advent of nuclear weapons has witnessed increased tensions, a growing arms race, and a half-dozen crises nearing war. The region has come close to full blows at least twice since the open 1998 nuclear weapons tests -- in 1999 and 22001/2002--and thrice earlier in the covert nuclear period--in 1984, 1986-1987, and 1989-1990. In fact, the three most recent crises--in 1990, 1999 and 2001-2002--only avoided escalation into a full-scale war because of intense U.S. diplomacy. In fact, it could be argued that the deterrence equation in South Asia now implicitly depends on U.S. intevention. In essence, India's and Pakistan's nuclear politics involve what might be called the "independence-dependence paradox". These two proud countries have attempted to wean themselves from outside support by using nuclear weapons. But this strategy has ironically served to make them more dependent on other powers who are forced to mitigate the consequences of this arms race. No other country has played a more crucial role than the United States

Inherent Problems With Nuclear Deterrence And The Need Of Disarmament

This paper is to discuss about the problems that nuclear deterrence has, and examine the necessity of nuclear disarmament. It starts from defining the meaning of nuclear deterrence, and explores current situations about nuclear weapons in the world. After that this paper takes a closer look at some historical cases of nuclear deterrence, and finally discusses why nuclear disarmament is the most suitable way for national security. The finding of this paper is that nuclear deterrence is not the most credible theory that states should follow because there are more demerits than merits by holding the theory. Nuclear abolition is the most efficient way to protect each state