The violability of backness in retroflex consonants

This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations

The phonetics and phonology of retroflexes : Fonetiek en fonologie van retroflexen (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands)

At the outset of this dissertation one might pose the question why retroflex consonants should still be of interest for phonetics and for phonological theory since ample work on this segmental class already exists. Bhat (1973) conducted a quite extensive study on retroflexion that treated the geographical spread of this class, some phonological processes its members can undergo, and the phonetic motivation for these processes. Furthermore, several phonological representations of retroflexes have been proposed in the framework of Feature Geometry, as in work by Sagey (1986), Pulleyblank (1989), Gnanadesikan (1993), and Clements (2001). Most recently, Steriade (1995, 2001) has discussed the perceptual cues of retroflexes and has argued that the distribution of these cues can account for the phonotactic restrictions on retroflexes and their assimilatory behaviour. Purely phonetically oriented studies such as Dixit (1990) and Simonsen, Moen & Cowen (2000) have shown the large articulatory variation that can be found for retroflexes and hint at the insufficiency of existing definitions

The phonetics and phonology of retroflexes

This dissertation investigates the phonetic realization and phonological behaviour of the class of retroflexes, i.e. sounds that are articulated with the tongue tip or the underside of the tongue tip against the postalveolar or palatal region. On the basis of four articulatory properties, a new definition of retroflexes is proposed. These properties are apicality, posteriority, sublingual cavity, and retraction; the latter is shown to imply that retroflexes are incompatible with secondary palatalization. The phonetic section gives an overview of the factors responsible for the large articulatory variation of retroflexes and discusses putative counterexamples of palatalized retroflexes. In addition, it describes the acoustic realization of retroflexes and proposes the common characteristic of a low third fomant. The phonological section discusses processes involving retroflexes from a large number of typologically diverse languages. These processes are shown to be grounded in the similar articulatory and acoustic properties of the retroflex class. Furthermore, this section gives a phonological analysis of the processes involving retroflexes in an Optimally Theoretic framework with underlying perceptual representations, based on Boersma s Functional Phonology. Evidence is presented for the non-universality of the retroflex class, and for the non-necessity of innate phonological features. This study is of interest to phonologists and phoneticians, especially to those working on the phonetics-phonology interface

Dialectologie et phonétique expérimentale : une analyse acoustique et articulatoire de certaines variétés du Salentin Central (Pouilles, Italie du Sud)

This study makes an attempt to unify two fields which have been separated for a long time : dialectology and experimental phonetics. Benefiting from this approach, our research aims at contributing to provide a deeper knowledge of Sallentine dialectes (Apulia, southern Italy).We analysed acoustically and articulatory some unknonwn aspects of some varieties of central Sallentine (Lecce, Monteroni di Lecce, Nardò, Squinzano et Torchiarolo): unstressed and stressed vocalism and its characteristics (metaphonical palatal and labio-velar diphtongues / wƐ/and /jƐ/ ), as well as retroflex consonants. Specifically, we studied the acoustic realisations of stressed anterior and posterior vowels /Ɛ/ / and /ɔ/ when they are followed by final unstressed vowels -i, -u and -e/-a/; the metaphonic action of unstressed vowels -i and -u on stressed anterior and posterior vowels as well as the phonetic processes concerning lateral liquids (geminate in intervocalic position) and trills (in homorgamical tautosyllabic groups) in this Romance area. Acoustical results show that stressed vocalism at all research points is asymmetric, the anterior vowel /Ɛ/ being closer than the posterior one /ɔ/; unstressed vocalism causes metaphonic action only in Monteroni di Lecce where /Ɛ/ becomes /e/ when it is followed by a final unstressed vowel –i. As metaphony found by Grimaldi (2003) in the southern Sallentine is present in the extreme South of Salento but seems to disappear progressively towards the North, we didn’t except to find this type of effect in this zone.About retroflexes, following our acoustical, articulatory analysis and previous literature, appropriate I.P.A. transcription for these segments is ḍ᷇z] for Latin lateral geminate output -LL- which is a cacuminal, geminate segment (consonant total duration), semi-affricate (longer burst than in plosive and presence of friction noise) and alveolar/post-alveolar (based on locus value, inferior noise limit, CoG value and activated electrodes in the electropalatographic study); consonantal clusters [ṭṣ__] and [ṭ :ṣ__] are cacuminal, simple and long segments respectively (consonant total duration), affricative (long burst) and alveolar/post-alveolar (locus value, inferior noise limit, CoG value and activated electrodes in the electropalatographic study).Cette recherche veut unir deux domaines qui pour longtemps on été séparés : la dialectologie et la phonétique expérimentale et, bénéficiant de ce rapprochement, elle voudrait apporter sa contribution à une connaissance plus approfondie des dialectes du Salentin (Pouilles, Italie du sud). Nous avons analysé acoustiquement et articulatoirement certains aspects encore peu connus de certaines variétés du Salentin central (Lecce, Monteroni di Lecce, Nardò, Squinzano et Torchiarolo): le vocalisme atone et tonique et ses caractéristiques (les diphtongues métaphoniques palatale et labio-vélaire /wƐ/ et /jƐ/), ainsi que les consonnes rétroflexes. Plus spécifiquement, nous avons étudié la réalisation acoustique des voyelles toniques, en particulier, celles des voyelles moyennes antérieure et postérieure /Ɛ/ et /ɔ/ quand elles sont suivies des contextes finaux atones -i, -u et -e/-a/ ; l’action métaphonique des voyelles hautes atones finales -i et -u sur les voyelles moyennes toniques antérieure et postérieure et les processus de changement phonétique à l’origine de rétroflexes au niveau des liquides latérales (géminées en position intervocalique) et vibrantes (dans des groupes homorganiques tautosyllabiques), dans cette zone romane.Les résultats de notre analyse acoustique montrent que le vocalisme tonique de ces cinq points d’enquête est asymétrique, c’est-à-dire que la voyelle moyenne antérieure /Ɛ/ est plus fermée que la voyelle moyenne postérieure /ɔ/; le vocalisme atone ne déclenche d’action métaphonique que pour Monteroni di Lecce où la voyelle /Ɛ/ devient /e/ quand elle est suivie de la voyelle haute finale atone –i. La métaphonie trouvée par Grimaldi (2003) dans le salentin méridional est très répandue au sud extrême du Salento et au fur et à mesure que l’on va vers le nord ce processus s’estompe progressivement : nous ne nous attendions donc pas à trouver un effet de ce type dans cette zone. En ce qui concerne les rétroflexes, d’après nos analyses acoustiques, articulatoires et la littérature précédente, la transcription I.P.A. qui nous semble plus appropriée pour ces segments est [ḍ᷇z] pour le reflet de la latérale latine géminée -LL- qui est un segment cacuminal, géminé (durée de consonne plutôt long), semi-affriqué (burst plus long que pour une simple occlusive et présence de bruit de friction) et alvéolaire/post-alvéolaire (valeur du locus, limite inférieure du bruit, valeur du CoG et électrodes activées dans l’étude éléctropalatographique); les groupes consonantiques [ṭṣ__] et [ṭ :ṣ__]sont des segments cacuminaux, simple et long respectivement (durée totale des groupes consonantiques), affriqués (bruit de friction plutôt long) et alvéolaires/post-alvéolaires (sur la base de la valeur du locus, la limite inférieure du bruit et la valeur du CoG et les électrodes activées dans l’étude éléctropalatographique)

An analysis of /r/ variation in Singapore English

In modern urban Singapore, the variety of English spoken evolves through a continual negotiation of adhering to traditionally standard models and creating local norms in the environment of myriad social and substratum language influences. Singapore English (SgE) speakers constantly navigate a multilingual situation which requires them to simultaneously handle the language systems of the society’s main working language, English, and at least one other language while being immersed in a linguistic environment where interactions in countless other languages and varieties take place. Variation, thus, inevitably exists within SgE as depicted in models of variation developed throughout the years. While this variation manifests itself in many forms, this study focuses particularly on the sociophonetic variation of /r/ realisations, an area of SgE in which the little research done previously provides only impressionistic or preliminary descriptions. Here, /r/ variation is studied through an auditory and acoustic investigation of both read and conversational speech data collected from male and female SgE speakers of Singapore’s major ethnic groups (i.e. Chinese, Malay, Indian, and Eurasian). Through the use of an auditory perceptual strength index and a combination of fixed- and mixed- effects statistical modelling methods, this study reveals /r/ variation in SgE on several levels. Results show that SgE speakers produce a range of /r/ variants, both within and between speakers, and also highlight the intertwined roles of language-internal factors (e.g. phonological contexts, word class) and language-external factors (e.g. speech style, ethnicity, speaker sex) in determining variation in both the realisation and distribution of /r/ in SgE. Finer auditory and acoustic distinctions are found in approximant /r/, reflecting both the phonetic complexity of /r/ and the multifaceted nature of SgE. Additionally, supportive evidence for the presence of innovative trends in SgE /r/ realisation (i.e. labiodental /r/) and of fading ones (i.e. taps/trills) is also found. Taken together, these results provide the basis for discussions of a potential situation of natural /r/-weakening and the impacts of speech styles, cross-linguistic influences, and language dominance on /r/ variation. They also postulate trends of change in /r/ realisations in SgE affected by age, ethnicity and speaker sex. Besides contributing to the general on-going discussions of synchronic variation and diachronic change in the story of /r/, this study shares insights into the intricacies of studying linguistic patterns in multilingual urban communities and provides empirical evidence for the need of a multidimensional approach in researching multicultural varieties and/or ‘New Englishes’ like SgE.Overseas Graduate Scholarship from the National Institute of Education (NIE/NTU), Singapor

Consonant cluster phonotactics : a perceptual approach

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2000.Includes bibliographical references (p. [309]-345).This dissertation deals with deletion and epenthesis processes conditioned or constrained by the consonantal environment, essentially consonant deletion, vowel epenthesis and vowel deletion. It is argued that the standard generative approach to these processes, which relies on the syllable and the principle of prosodic licensing, is empirically inadequate, and an alternative sequential approach based on perceptual factors is developed. It is proposed that the likelihood that a consonant deletes, triggers epenthesis or blocks vowel deletion correlates with the quality and quantity of the auditory cues associated to it in a given context. The approach is implemented in Optimality Theory and adopts more specifically the 'Licensing by cue' framework developed by Steriade (1997, 1999). New empirical generalizations concerning deletion and epenthesis processes are uncovered, in particular 1) the fact that stops are more likely than other consonants to delete, trigger epenthesis or block deletion; 2) the role of syntagmatic contrast in deletion and epenthesis processes; 3) the role of the audibility of stop release bursts; 4) the existence of cumulative edge effects, whereby more and more phonotactic combinations are licensed at the edges of prosodic domains as we go up the prosodic hierarchy. These generalizations are elucidated in terms of internal and contextual cues, modulation in the acoustic signal, and cue enhancement processes at edges of prosodic domains. The proposed perceptual approach achieves a substantial simplification and unification of the conceptual apparatus necessary to analyze deletion and epenthesis processes. It subsumes under the more general notion of perceptual salience principles of syllable well-formedness and the Obligatory Contour Principle. Furthermore, it eliminates the need for exceptional mechanisms such as extra syllabicity at domain edges. The analysis is based on the study of deletion and epenthesis processes in a variety of languages. Detailed investigations of schwa in Parisian French, cluster simplification in Quebec French and stop deletion and vowel epenthesis in Ondarroa Basque are provided.by Marie-Hélène Côté.Ph.D