Strategic foresight and policy evaluation: Insights for an integrated approach

Grand challenges are shaping twenty-first-century politics. Threats connected to health, climate, demographics and welfare are increasingly intruding on the lives of citizens. Still, governments are often found off-guard, and policymakers need strategies grounded in longer-term perspectives. Strategic foresight (SF) helps us to design and shape policies to prepare to withstand shocks, anticipating and adapting to changes. However, as governments work towards embedding SF into their policymaking processes, the empirical evidence suggests that applications are still piecemeal and predominantly limited to the agenda-settings and policy formulation stages. In this article, we argue that to drive anticipatory governance, foresight needs to be applied at all stages of the policy cycle, including in evaluating policies to draw lessons for future interventions. We maintain that considering SF systemically throughout the policymaking cycle, from agenda setting to evaluation, strengthens anticipatory governance

Strategic foresight and policy evaluation : insights for an integrated approach

Published online 09 November 2023Grand challenges are shaping twenty-first-century politics. Threats connected to health, climate, demographics and welfare are increasingly intruding on the lives of citizens. Still, governments are often found off-guard, and policymakers need strategies grounded in longer-term perspectives. Strategic foresight (SF) helps us to design and shape policies to prepare to withstand shocks, anticipating and adapting to changes. However, as governments work towards embedding SF into their policymaking processes, the empirical evidence suggests that applications are still piecemeal and predominantly limited to the agenda-settings and policy formulation stages. In this article, we argue that to drive anticipatory governance, foresight needs to be applied at all stages of the policy cycle, including in evaluating policies to draw lessons for future interventions. We maintain that considering SF systemically throughout the policymaking cycle, from agenda setting to evaluation, strengthens anticipatory governance

An Integrative Framework for International and Intercultural Communication Contexts: Conflicts, Ferment and Theoretical Analysis

Many scholars observe that international and intercultural communication is taking new directions in the twenty-first century, and they are reconceptualizing a range of critical topics, including cultural identity and its role in intercultural business negotiations; communication ethics and its impact on international business; and the role of mass media in disseminating information and setting issues agenda for citizens. This reconceptualization of critical communication concepts is attracting the interest of academics and researchers nations and is leading to a rethinking of the theoretical frameworks guiding communication debates and analyses. As nations are becoming interdependent and interconnected because of global market, it is important that countries involved in global markets understand one another’s cultural patterns and variations in their communication differences in order to ensure continuing growth, expansion, and sustainability. Recent studies traced the slow growth of global business operations to a lack of effective communication, ineffective intercultural business communication skills, inability of entrepreneurial engagement in cross-border transactions, andincompetence in cross-cultural strategic alliance negotiations. This paper identifies and discusses various communication contexts, issues, and theoretical frameworks, and provides recommendations for effective utilization of communication tools in global and intercultural environments

Brazil's Foreign Policy from the context of South-South Development Cooperation initiatives: the case of Brazil and Mozambique after Lula

South-South Development Cooperation is a longstanding practice that has undergone many unprecedented changes since the dawn of the twenty-first century. However, following the first decade of the century, some key players in development cooperation seem to have reduced their efforts to promote South-South Development Cooperation, notably Brazil. Under president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Brazil's ambitious strategy of international prominence was most eminent within the framework of development cooperation, wherein the African continent occupied a central place. Such efforts, however, lost impetus under the subsequent presidencies of Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016) and Michel Temer (2016-2018). This thesis reflects upon the changes in Brazil's foreign policy dispositions after Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2011-2018) and how it affected the country's South-South Development Cooperation initiatives. By looking at the case of Mozambique, it seeks to understand such changes vis-à-vis the shifting nature of both the international system and, most importantly, the domestic setting of Brazil. While the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva laid the foundations of Brazil's South-South Development Cooperation agenda (i.e. an instrument for the pursuit of the country's global ambitions and a reflection of the national approach to development), these foundations were undermined during the subsequent governments, led by constraining international circumstances and the dismantling of the state-led developmental model advanced by the Workers' Party. The undermining of South- South Development Cooperation's foundations occurred through two major mechanisms. Firstly, foreign policy goals were re-defined in economic terms, and so was South-South Development Cooperation. The political goals that underpinned Brazil's reformist ambitions lost space once the latter were gradually abandoned under Dilma Rousseff and completely discarded under Michel Temer. Secondly, South-South Development Cooperation both reflected and fed the model of state-led development adopted by the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Once this model was delegitimised and eventually dismantled, the South-South Development Cooperation agenda lost its impetus

The Court of Justice of the European Union in the Twenty-First Century

LiU har en tradition av att lärare framgångsrikt har sökt och även erhållit, resurser för pedagogiska utvecklingsprojekt på den tiden när sådana medel fördelades i konkurrens på nationell nivå av t.ex. Rådet för grundutbildning, NSHU etc. Sedan 2008, när NSHU lades ner, finns inget sådan nationellt organ utan varje lärosäte har i uppdrag att själva arbeta med sitt interna kvalitetsarbete när det gäller utbildning. Under 2010 utlyste CUL medel för att stimulera sådana utvecklingsprojekt vid LiU, och tio projekt beviljades medel. I denna rapport finns bidrag från Laura Alvarez et.al; Madelaine Johansson et.al och Gunnel Östlund som är resultat av denna satsning. Under samma tid utlystes pedagogiska utvecklingsmedel inom LiTH, och bidragen från Ingrid Andersson och Johan Hedbrant, Henrik Brandén, Johan Renner och Björn Oskarsson är resultat av denna satsning. Utöver dessa personer bidrar också ett antal lärare med arbeten som grundar sig på deras kunskaper och insikter från deltagande i högskolepedagogiska kurser, undervisning och arbete med studenter, t.ex. på biblioteket. Bidrag från Chun-Xia Du, Ann-Sofie Bergeling, Christina Brage et.al och Magnus Dahlstedt är exempel på detta. Bidragen är skrivna på både svenska och engelska och varje författare är ensam ansvarig för innehållet. Vid redigeringen av bidragen har en ambition varit att de skall kunna läsas av icke ämneskunniga personer, men ibland är det svårt att förklara det konkreta genomförandet av kurser utan att använda fackuttryck. Vad gäller sättet att skriva referenser så har riktlinjerna varit att detta skall göras konsekvent, utifrån ett givet system, inom respektive bidrag. Bidragen är organiserade i tre delar: Lärandeideal och utformning av lärmiljöer Betydelsen av hur utbildning och kurser designas – för lärande och undervisning Utveckling och förändring av läraktiviteter och lärares förhållningssät

Mass media ethics vs. ethnicity : the Cuban American National Foundation\u27s battle with the Miami Herald

In 1992, a prominent Cuban-American organization, the Cuban American National Foundation, launched a full-scale campaign against the Miami Herald following an editorial against the Cuban Democracy Act, sponsored by Congressman Robert Torricelli, (D-NJ). The bill, which the Foundation endorsed and helped craft, was aimed at tightening the loopholes on the U.S. embargo against Cuba. Two men-CANF Chairman Jorge Mas Canosa and Herald publisher David Lawrence-represented opposing sides of the feud. CANF galvanized the exile community to support its side of the debate. The Herald used its opinion and editorial pages to argue against Mas\u27s charges that the newspaper attacked the values and culture of the Cuban-American people. The opposing sides symbolized two distinct paradigms of culture and politics that were vying for control over setting the agenda in Miami\u27s public opinion sphere. The battle between a powerful Cuban exile organization and Miami\u27s daily newspaper is a defining moment for journalism in the twenty-first century. It also serves as a cautionary tale for daily newspapers in highly multicultural and heavily populated metropolitan areas of the nation still struggling to meet the needs of their audiences while adhering to the tenets of American journalism. A historical analysis sets the groundwork for future qualitative and quantitative analyses