A Study of Pricing Evolution in the Online Toy Market

We examine the pricing trends in the online toy markets based on a unique set of panel data collected across three years’ span. The analysis was made through panel data regression models with error components and serial correlation, allowing comparisons of prices and price dispersions between the two types of online retailers as well as examinations of dynamics of prices and price dispersions. Our results indicate that both online branch of multichannel retailers (OBMCRS) and dotcoms charge similar prices on average, and over time their prices move in tandem. Although the OBMCR retailers charge significantly different prices, the dotcoms do charge similar prices. Moreover, both retailer types demonstrate different magnitudes of price dispersion that move at different rates over time. Although the price dispersion of OBMCRS is higher than that of the dotcoms at the beginning, the gap narrows over time.e-commerce, online pricing strategies, online toy market, price dispersion, pricing trends

THE ECONOMICS OF NONLINEAR PRICING: EVIDENCE FROM AIRFARES AND GROCERY PRICES

Quantity discounts, characterised by unit prices falling as the quantity purchased rises, are a proliferate phenomenon that finds root in the economics of packaging. This paper reviews the key economic foundations of nonlinear pricing, introduces new pricing data and conducts an empirical investigation into airfares and grocery prices, which are shown to exhibit quantity discounts of an identical order of magnitude. The constancy of the quantity discount across distinct markets hints at the existence of a common force underlying the determination of prices.

Gambling loyalty schemes: treading a fine line?

Loyalty and discount schemes in which customers are invited to sign up for a card and become a member of a scheme, sometimes in exchange for registering some basic personal details, are an established feature of the retail and services landscape. They have become widespread and arguably ubiquitous. Such schemes are part of the increasing emphasis on defensive marketing where the focus is on retaining existing customers and increasing the amount of custom from them. But whether this leads to ‘customer enhancement’ or ‘customer exploitation’ is open to question

Analysis of online food purchasing behavior: a study of Sri Lankan consumers

Peer reviewedPublisher PD

A Study of Pricing Evolution in the Online Toy Market

We examine the pricing trends in the online toy markets based on a unique set of panel data collected across three years’ span. The analysis was made through panel data regression models with error components and serial correlation, allowing comparisons of prices and price dispersions between the two types of online retailers as well as examinations of dynamics of prices and price dispersions. Our results indicate that both online branch of multichannel retailers (OBMCRS) and dotcoms charge similar prices on average, and over time their prices move in tandem. Although the OBMCR retailers charge significantly different prices, the dotcoms do charge similar prices. Moreover, both retailer types demonstrate different magnitudes of price dispersion that move at different rates over time. Although the price dispersion of OBMCRS is higher than that of the dotcoms at the beginning, the gap narrows over time

Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. Strategic Corporate Research Report

[Excerpt] Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. (hereinafter Wal-Mart) is the second-largest company in the world. It has more annual revenue than the GDP of Switzerland. It sells more DVDs, magazines, books, CDs, dog food, diapers, bicycles, toys, toothpaste, jewelry, and groceries than any other retailer does worldwide. It is the largest retailer in the United States, Mexico, and Canada, the second-largest in the United Kingdom, and the third largest in Brazil, With its partners, it is the largest retailer in Central America. Wal-Mart is also the largest private employer in the United States, Mexico, and Canada, and it has 1.8 million employees around the globe. Wal-Mart is so huge that it effectively sets the terms for large swaths of the global economy, from retail wages to apparel prices to transoceanic shipping rates to the location of toy factories. Indeed, if there is one single aspect to understand about the company, it is the fact that Wal-Mart is transforming the relations of production in virtually every product category it sells, through its relationships with suppliers. But its influence goes far beyond the economy. It sets social policy by refusing to sell certain types of birth control. Its construction of supercenters molds the landscape, shapes traffic patterns, and alters the local commercial mix. The retail goliath shapes culture by selling the music of patriotic country singer Garth Brooks but not the critical (and hilarious) The Daily Show with Jon Stewart Presents America (the Book): A Citizen’s Guide to Democracy Inaction. It influences politics by donating millions to conservative politicians and think tanks. Wal-Mart is, in short, one of the most powerful entities in the world. Not surprisingly, Wal-Mart has developed a long list of critics, including unions, human rights organizations, religious groups, environmental activists, community organizations, small business groups, academics, children’s rights groups, and even institutional investors. These groups have exposed the company’s illegal union-busting tactics, its many violations of overtime laws, its abuse of child labor, its egregious healthcare policies, its super-exploitation of immigrant workers, its rampant gender discrimination, the horrific labor conditions at its suppliers’ factories, and its unlawful environmental degradation. They have also chronicled the deleterious effect Wal-Mart has on the public coffers and the quality of community life. New Wal-Mart stores and distribution centers often swallow up government subsidies and tax breaks, take public land, create more congestion, reduce overall wages, destroy retail variety, and increase public outlays for healthcare. To its critics, Wal-Mart represents the worst aspects of 21st-eentury capitalism. Wal-Mart usually counters any criticism with two words: low prices. It is a powerful mantra in a consumerist world. The company does make more products affordable to more people, and that is nothing to sneeze at when wages are stagnant, jobs insecure, pensions disappearing, and health coverage shrinking. With low prices, Wal-Mart helps working men and women get more from their meager paychecks, more necessities like bread, and more luxuries, like roses, too. It is a brilliant and incontrovertible argument, and Wal-Mart’s most ardent defenders take it even farther. They say its obsession with low prices makes the entire economy more efficient and more productive. Suppliers and competitors have to produce more and better products with the same resources, and that redounds to everyone. In the micro, it means falling prices and rising product quality. In the macro, it means economic growth, more jobs, and higher tax revenues. To its defenders, Wal-Mart represents the best aspects of 21st-century capitalism. Despite their radical opposition, critics and defenders of the world’s largest corporation agree on one thing: Wal-Mart represents 21st-century capitalism. It symbolizes a system of increasing market penetration and decreasing social regulation, where more and more aspects of life around the world are subject to economic competition. Wal-Mart’s success rests upon the ongoing destruction of social power in favor of corporate power. It takes advantage of the conditions of the neo-liberal world, from the availability of instant and inexpensive global communication to the continuing collapse of agricultural employment around the world to the rapid diffusion of technological innovation to the oversupply of subjugated migrant labor in nearly every country to the continued existence of undemocratic and corporate-dominated governments. For some, this is as it should be, all part of capitalism’s natural and ultimately benign development. For the rest of us, Wal-Mart is at the heart of what is wrong with the world

A Multi-Level Theory Approach to Understanding Price Rigidity in Internet Retailing

Price rigidity involves prices that do not change with the regularity predicted by standard economic theory, and is of long-standing interest to firms and industries, and our understanding of the economy as a whole. The previous IS literature has failed to identify the central role of IT and Internet retailing-related technologies to explain the rigidity of prices on the Internet. Instead, it has offered only limited explanations, such as menu costs and tacit collusion. These ideas, and quite a few other key theoretical perspectives were formulated in disciplines other than ours. Thus, the issue of price rigidity and price adjustment in Internet retailing should be given more scrutiny than the literature has provided to date. We review and synthesize what we know about price rigidity in non-electronic retailing contexts using a multi-level theory approach that identifies three unique levels of analysis: the firm-specific level, the firm-to-consumer level, and the firm-to-market level. We evaluate to what extent this knowledge is applicable to explain price-setting and price adjustment on the Internet. We conclude that there should not be less price rigidity in Internet retailing than in traditional retailing – even though the Internet is involved. To this end, we recommend a multi-level variance theory of Internet-based price rigidity. This study provides a foundation for the development of new theoretical perspectives at the crossroads of the academic disciplines of marketing, economics and IS. It encourages research that is able to probe for a deeper understanding of new economic phenomena associated with the digital economy’s growth