69,613 research outputs found

    On the Integration of Populism into the Democratic Public Sphere

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    The central thesis of this article is that populism is a side effect of liberal democracy and a reliable indicator of the relationship between liberal democracy and its polar opposite ‒ illiberal majoritarianism. As long as liberal democracy prevails over illiberal majoritarianism, populism remains dormant. Populism rises and becomes conspicuous only if certain manifestations of illiberal majoritarianism or illiberal elitism reach a critical point in terms of number and impact. More exactly, populism becomes active when there are too few reasonable and effective responses to the growth of illiberal majoritarianism. Illustrating the defense mechanism of compensation, the rise of populism correlates with a cluster of exaggerated or overdone reactions to actions inspired by illiberal majoritarianism. These reactions vary sharply from one society to another according to (a) the specific challenges of illiberal majoritarianism, (b) the reactivity of people who bear the liberal democratic values, and (c) the credibility enjoyed by the mainstream liberal democratic forces in that society. In brief, although illiberal majoritarianism sets off a cluster of populist reactions in any society, the rise of populism always takes distinct forms. Thus, it is confirmed the status of populism as a chameleonistic phenomenon. The argumentative thread has four main parts. Firstly, it is developed a constitutive model of liberal democracy as an ideal political system that is underpinned by the following organizing principles or attractors: inclusiveness, political equality, political participation, predominance of concurrent majority, the containment and predictability of the government power, and the enforcement of the non-aggression principle. Secondly, the attractors of liberal democracy are contrasted against the recent state of affairs in the Euro-Atlantic space to illustrate the assertion presented here that today illiberal majoritarianism tends to prevail over liberal democracy. In the third step, it is argued that the countless definitions of populism only emphasize different symptoms of the rise of populism, depending on the particular circumstances in which society evolves. Finally, it is substantiated the claim that populism and populists can and should be integrated into the democratic political system, in particular into the democratic public sphere

    CENTRAL EUROPE’S DESCENT INTO AUTOCRACY: ON AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM. CES Open Forum Series 2018-2019, September 4, 2018

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    The article offers an analysis of the particular type of populism that has evolved in ECE, most notably in Hungary and Poland. The new populism in ECE differs from other populisms because it combines the elements of populism, ethno-nationalism and authoritarianism. Adhering to a similar script, which consists of sustained attacks on rule of law institutions, civil rights and freedoms, the media and electoral rules, both populist governments in a relatively short period of time dismantled almost all the key cornerstones of democracy in Hungary and Poland. The current surge of populism in ECE demonstrates that constitutional democracy is in great danger when its core principles no longer enjoy wide democratic support. Paradoxically, constitutional democracy can play its “counter-majoritarian” role only when a majority of the people believe that it is the only game in town. Ultimately, democratic political parties and social movements with credible political ideas and programs offer the best hope for the survival of constitutional democracy. The role of law and constitutional checks and balances is less of an essential bulwark against democratic backsliding than is traditionally presumed in the legal literature

    Macroeconomic of populism in Iran

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    This paper uses the Dornbusch and Edwards (1990) analytical framework to investigate the macroeconomic populism in Iran under the Ahmadinejad government. My thesis endeavours to place the government of Ahmadinejad in a populist context and forecasts its fall mainly due to macroeconomic instabilities. The purpose of this study is to illustrate how closely Ahmadinejad’s government follows the model of Dornbusch and Edwards (1990).Iran; Populism; Ahmadinejad; Economic Growth

    EUROPEAN AUSTERITY WITHOUT GROWTH? EUROPEAN GROWTH WITHOUT EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY?

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    The European project is facing a crisis. Citizens no longer understand what the EU is about. Young people and the new ruling class have forgotten the clear message of the European project launched just after the Second World War "No wars ever again among Europeans." The founding fathers of the European Union are mentioned in history textbooks, but today Europe is felt as an irritating bureaucracy. In Europe, peace and economic stability are considered as a natural state, a gift from above. Why keep a useless EU alive? The state of the European Union is swiftly degenerating. In almost all the member states, the anti-European forces are gaining ground. Populism is not a new ideology and is not necessarily European: let's recall Peronism. In today's Europe populism is the new manifestation of nationalism. In Italy the Lega Nord is in Berlusconi's eurosceptic government. In France, the National Front is endangering UMP's hegemony. In Belgium the rows between the Flemish and the Walloons threatens the state's unity. In the Netherlands, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Austria and Finland, populist forces are either in the government or strongly influencing the government. National-populism is different from the nationalism of the past. De Gaulle's nationalism was an ideology founded on the "grandeur" of France's history and on a certain idea of Europe, which was "l'Europe de patrie", a kind of European unity accepting French leadership in world politics. Today national-populism is a form of micro-nationalism: it opposes the European project but without having a serious alternative. This is why populism is dangerous. Its real goal is not only the breaking down of the European Union but also the disintegration of the old nation states into micro-ethnic states, as what happened in former Yugoslavia.

    Conceptualizing Populism:A Comparative Study Between China and Liberal Democratic Countries

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    This article analyzes the study of populism in China, highlighting its dynamics and features. Compared with abundant studies of populism in democratic countries, populism in China remains underexplored by non-Chinese scholars, and the contributions of Chinese scholarship are largely unknown outside China. To address this gap, this article reviews the state of the art of Chinese scholarship on populism, bringing it into conversation with the wider body of literature. From its analysis, two distinct types of populism are identified within Chinese research: classical communist populism and bottom-up populism. The former is advanced via official channels, through state promotion of the identity, wisdom, and revolutionary potential of the people. The latter is located in the antagonism between the “pure people” and “corrupt elites,” primarily through an online, bottom-up dynamic. We argue that bottom-up populism can also be conceptualized as “online populism,” as a manifestation of populism found in grassroots discourses targeting certain societal elites in online space

    Syriza’s Inclusionary Populism: A Challenge to Exclusionary Populism in Europe

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    Much of the literature on populism emphasizes the inclusive character of Latin American populism and the exclusive character of European populism; however, there is a dearth of research that analyzes the rise of European left-wing inclusionary populism following the 2008 global financial crisis, particularly the case of Syriza in Greece. Thus, this study seeks address that gap and challenge Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser’s geographical differentiation framework, which limits exclusionary populism to Europe and inclusionary populism to Latin America. Adopting Ernesto Laclau’s discursive theory of populism, which draws on post-Marxist and post-structuralist theory, this study suggests that his alternative conceptualization of populism as a political logic of articulation is the most effective model for analyzing cross-regional cases of populism as it does not limit sub-types of populism in terms of ideological content and geographical scope. By applying Laclau’s model to the case of Syriza, this study argues that Syriza’s inclusionary populist profile, which makes an appeal to a ‘plural people,’ effectively undermines Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser’s populist model. Keywords: Inclusionary and exclusionary populism, Syriza, post-structuralist discourse theory, post-structuralism, hegemony, Ernesto Lacla

    Rethinking Populism in the Digital Age: Social Networks, Political Affects and Post-Truth Democracies

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    Although populism is not a new phenomena, its rise in the aftermath of the financial crisis presents some novelties that are worth exploring. Mostly, they refer to the transformation of the public sphere in the digital era, which has changed how political actors and citizens relate to each other and hence the discursive and non-discursive practices chosen by the former. This includes a more direct communication between populist leaders and their base, the creation of channels that sideline those of the mainstream media, as well as the emergence of "post-truth" as a framework that gives new value to narratives as conveyors of political values that disrupt established social conventions. In order to understand these features -which, their novelty notwithstanding, do not change populism's "thin" ideological core- attention is due to the emotional dimension of populist practices. Strictly speaking, they are not new: new are the lens through which we observe them after the affective turn experienced by social sciences in the last decade. Yet social networks are in themselves rather affective technologies, fostering an emotionally charged communication and facilitating the means by which individuals can feel engaged with their "moral tribe" -isolating themselves from other discourses or narratives. This paper will reflect upon these transformations from the vantage point of political theory, emphasizing how the digitization of the public sphere has influenced the way in which populist actors across liberal democracies create their publics and address them, as well as the increasing relevance of affects in explanations about political life.Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech
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