98 research outputs found

    The origins of the western Uralic s-cases revisited: historiographical, functional-typological and Samoyedic perspectives

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    The paper presents a comprehensive reappraisal of the origins of the so-called s-cases in Saami, Finnic, Mordvin and Mari. According to the received view, the element *-s- that is present in most of the basic local case markers in these languages originates in the so-called *s-lative whose origin has remained unknown. As the dominant theory suffers from various methodological shortcomings, alternative proposals have also been presented yet largely ignored. As the first functionally and typologically substantiated hypothesis on the issue, the paper proposes that the s-cases originate in Proto-Uralic postpositional phrases. Confronting the daunting task of identifying cognates of the s-cases elsewhere, it is proposed that they can be related to at least the Samoyed local cases with the element *-ntə-

    The so-called relation forms of nouns in South Saami: A byproduct or remnant of Uralic *-mpV?

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    The paper describes a previously little-known grammatical category in South Saami. Termed here as “relation forms”, the phenomenon in question is etymologically related to the comparative and superlative marking of adjectives, but synchronically quite distinct from it. The suffix -be/-åbpoe can be attached to not only adjectives (e.g., nuerebe ‘younger’, båarasåbpoe ‘older’), but also to nouns and kinship terms in particular (e.g., tjidtjebe ‘(the) mother’, vuanavåbpoe ‘(the) mother-in-law’), and the superlative marker -mes/-ommes can be used similarly, albeit to a lesser extent. The paper discusses the position of such forms in South Saami morphology, syntax and sentential semantics, especially in relation to markers of definiteness and possession. From a diachronic perspective, South Saami sheds new light on the origin of the Saami-Finnic (and Hungarian) comparative marker *-mpV, and from a typological point of view, it is proposed that the closest analogues to the Saami phenomenon can be found in Tungusic, which also adds to our understanding of the development of *-mpV comparatives – possibly from a more original contrastive function of the suffix

    Suomalais-ugrilaisesta kielentutkimuksesta ja sen keskeisistä tehtävistä

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    Turun yliopistossa 26. huhtikuuta 2023 pidetty professoriluent

    Uusia näkökulmia suomen infiniittisiin verbirakenteisiin

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    Kirja-arvioHerlin, Ilona & Visapää, Laura (toim.): Elävä kielioppi. Suomen infiniittisten rakenteiden dynamiikka

    Havaintoja suomen ns. viidennen infinitiivin käytöstä

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    Suomen kiuas, karjalan kiukua ja havaintoja etymologian tutkimusperinteestä

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    The article revisits and reevaluates the origins of the North Finnic word for ‘sauna stove’. According to the received view – originally presented in Uuno Taavi Sirelius’ (1907) study on dwellings of Uralic peoples – Finnish kiuas with variants such as kiukaa, kiukoa and kiukas, Karelian kiuku(v)a and kiugua as well as Ingrian kiukā and Vote tšiukas originate in the Finnic (Finnish) compound noun *kivikota made up of kivi ‘stone’ and kota ‘hut; shelter’. Further, Lude kiudug and Veps küudug ‘sauna stove’ have also been related to the above-mentioned words. Critical reevaluation of the received view makes it evident that the *kivikota ‘stone hut’ explanation is quite problematic both from a morphological and semantic point of view. From the morphological perspective, the *kivikota hypothesis presupposes a large array of sound changes and analogical shifts that nevertheless account only for a fraction of actual variants of the word without severely conflicting with a number of well-known sound changes in North Finnic. From the semantic perspective, relation of sauna stoves – originally consisting of heaps of stones – to the primary referents of kota ‘hut; shelter’ has never been explained. As the classical “stone hut” explanation must be considered unsatisfying, there are good reasons to reevaluate a nearly forgotten conjecture put forward by A. E. Lindfors (1893) who proposed that kiuas might originate in the compound noun *kivikasa, consisting of kivi ‘stone’ and kasa ‘pile; heap’. As it turns out, the *kivikasa hypothesis accounts for most of the morphological variants as well as the semantic functions of Finnish kiuas, Karelian kiukua and their obvious cognates in Ingrian and Vote. Although the initial step in the emergence of a new noun for ‘sauna stove’ has required a sporadic and irregular change from the compound *kivikasa ‘heap of stones’ towards the less transparent *kiukas(a), the subsequent development à la *kivikasa (nominative) : *kivikasan (genitive) >> present-day Finnish kiu(k)as : kiuka(h)an etc. must be regarded more or less regular. As for the semantics, a reconstructed meaning ‘heap of stones’ for ‘sauna stove’ is paralleled by analogical compounds like Moksha kevmar (кевмар) ‘sauna stove; heap of stones’ (from kev ‘stone’ and mar ‘heap’) and is thus far more plausible than the received view about the “stone hut” origins of kiuas. The paper concludes that the “stone hut” theory on the origins of the word for the core element of Finnic sauna must be abandoned as invalid and unproven, whereas the compound *kivikasa ‘heap of stones’ provides a nearly perfect explanation. The main reason for the popularity of the *kivikota theory appears to be the fact that Sirelius’ premature hypothesis has been gradually canonized in the absence of any serious attempts to question its plausibility or to provide alternative, morphologically and semantically sound explanations for the designation of the very core of the Finnic sauna culture

    Åarjelsaemien gïele goh dïhte jillemes uralske gïele jïh akte gieltegs dotkemeobjeekte

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    The article discusses the role and importance of South Saami, the westernmost language of the westernmost branch of the Uralic language family, in Saami, Uralic as well as general typological linguistics. It briefly summarizes the origins of the South Saami language and discusses some of the most prominent characteristic features of the language in its Saami and Scandinavian contexts. Special attention is given to three phenomena: 1) the so-called relation forms of nouns, etymologically related to the comparative marking of adjectives, but synchronically reminiscent of markers of definiteness and possession; 2) differential object marking with as many as three distinct morphological cases (accusative, nominative and elative); and 3) the nature and origins of the auxiliary verb edtjedh ‘shall’, possibly a degrammaticalization of the Proto-Saami potential mood marker

    PUHEKIELEN MORFOLOGISTEN JA SEMANTTISTEN INNOVAATIOIDEN TUTKIMUSNÄKYMIÄ – ESIMERKKINÄ SUOMEN TEKEEN- JA TEKEESTYYPPISET VERBIMUODOT

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    Artikkelissa tarkastellaan kahden suomen murteissa ja nykypuhekielessä tavattavanei-finiittisen verbimuodon levikkiä ja semantiikkaa. Perinteisesti ”3. infinitiivinillatiivin tunnuksettomaksi muodoksi” katsotun tekeen-tyyppisen muodon käyttöon levinnyt 3. infinitiivin inessiivin alalle, ja myös jälkimmäiselle muodolle ontodettu kehittyneen lyhentynyt variantti (esim. tekees pro tekemässä). Tutkimuksenlähtökohtana ovat Internetissä tavattavasta puhekielenomaisesti kirjoitetusta kielestätehdyt havainnot ja näiden havaintojen pohjalta laaditun, kaikkiaan 386 informantillateetetyn kyselytestin tuottamat vastaukset. Tutkimusaineiston perusteella tekeenjatekees-tyyppiset verbimuodot esiintyvät alueellisessa täydennysjakaumassa, jaerityisesti tekeen-muotojen voi katsoa kehittyneen ns. absentiivisuuden (esim. deGroot, 2000) ilmaisukeinoksi. Artikkelissa esitellyn tutkimuksen ja sen tulostenyleisempänä tarkoituksena on tarjota uusia näköaloja suomalaiseen murteiden jauudemman puhekielen tutkimukseen: puhuttua kieltä voi tutkia myös kirjallisinkyselytestein, nykykielenkin variaatiota on mahdollista kuvata kartografisesti, javanhojen kansanmurteiden tasoittumisesta huolimatta kieleen näyttää myös syntyvänyhä jopa aivan uusia isoglosseja sekä uusia merkitysopillisia kategorioita.Avainsanat: absentiivi, infinitiivit, kyselytutkimukset, murteet, puhekieliKeywords: absentive, dialects, infinitives, questionnaire-based studies, spoken languag

    Čalbmi čalmmis ja suoldnečalmmit suoidnečalmmis: Sámegielaid singulatiivvat

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    North Saami čalbmi ‘eye’ (< Proto-Uralic *ćilmä) has cognates in all Uralic languages, and everywhere they refer to the visual organs of humans and animals. However, scholars have barely paid attention to the grammatical functions of čalbmi in compound-like formations such as suoldnečalbmi “dew eye”, suoidnečalbmi “grass eye”, varračalbmi “blood eye”, jiekŋačalbmi “ice eye”, vuoktačalbmi “hair eye” and muorječalbmi “berry eye”. This article examines such expressions as so-called singulatives – grammatical means for individuating a single referent from a group or mass (i.e., ‘a single drop of dew’, ‘a single blade of grass’, ‘a single drop of blood’, ‘a single crystal of ice’, ‘a single human hair’ and ‘a single berry’). The article mainly discusses morphological, syntactic and semantic features of singulatives in North Saami and other present-day Saami languages, but comparable singulatives in Khanty, Mansi and Samoyed languages as well as in Hungarian suggest that singulative expressions such as *weri-ćilmä ‘a single drop of blood’, *jäŋi-ćilmä ‘a single crystal of ice; hailstone’ and *me̮rja-ćilmä ‘a single berry’ can, in principle, be reconstructed all the way back to Proto-Uralic.Sámegiela čalbmi-substantiivvas leat etymologalaš vástagat buot urálalaš gielain, ja juohke sajis dat mearkkašit áicanorgána mainna olbmot ja eallit oidnet. Dattetge ovddit dutkit eai leat gidden olus fuomášumi dasa, makkár giellaoahpalaš funkšuvdna sámegiela čalbmi-elemeanttas lea dalle go dat geavahuvvo dajaldagain dego suoldnečalbmi, suoidnečalbmi, varračalbmi, jiekŋačalbmi, vuoktačalbmi ja muorječalbmi. Dát artihkal analysere dákkár dadjanvugiid nu gohčoduvvon singulatiivan, dihtolágan ávnnassániid ovttaidlogu hápmin. Artihkal guorahallá davvisámegiela lassin maiddái eanáš eará sámegielaid hui seammalágan singulatiivvaiguin. Sámegielaid singulatiivvaid morfologiija, syntávssa ja semantihka lassin guorahallo maiddái daid álgovuođđu, dasgo orru vejolaš jurddašit, ahte juo urálalaš vuođđogielas gávdnojedje – singulára, duála ja plurála lassin – maiddái sullasaš singulatiivvat
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