82 research outputs found

    The so-called relation forms of nouns in South Saami: A byproduct or remnant of Uralic *-mpV?

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    The paper describes a previously little-known grammatical category in South Saami. Termed here as “relation forms”, the phenomenon in question is etymologically related to the comparative and superlative marking of adjectives, but synchronically quite distinct from it. The suffix -be/-Ă„bpoe can be attached to not only adjectives (e.g., nuerebe ‘younger’, bĂ„arasĂ„bpoe ‘older’), but also to nouns and kinship terms in particular (e.g., tjidtjebe ‘(the) mother’, vuanavĂ„bpoe ‘(the) mother-in-law’), and the superlative marker -mes/-ommes can be used similarly, albeit to a lesser extent. The paper discusses the position of such forms in South Saami morphology, syntax and sentential semantics, especially in relation to markers of definiteness and possession. From a diachronic perspective, South Saami sheds new light on the origin of the Saami-Finnic (and Hungarian) comparative marker *-mpV, and from a typological point of view, it is proposed that the closest analogues to the Saami phenomenon can be found in Tungusic, which also adds to our understanding of the development of *-mpV comparatives – possibly from a more original contrastive function of the suffix

    Uusia nÀkökulmia suomen infiniittisiin verbirakenteisiin

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    Kirja-arvioHerlin, Ilona & VisapÀÀ, Laura (toim.): ElÀvÀ kielioppi. Suomen infiniittisten rakenteiden dynamiikka

    Havaintoja suomen ns. viidennen infinitiivin kÀytöstÀ

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    Suomen kiuas, karjalan kiukua ja havaintoja etymologian tutkimusperinteestÀ

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    The article revisits and reevaluates the origins of the North Finnic word for ‘sauna stove’. According to the received view – originally presented in Uuno Taavi Sirelius’ (1907) study on dwellings of Uralic peoples – Finnish kiuas with variants such as kiukaa, kiukoa and kiukas, Karelian kiuku(v)a and kiugua as well as Ingrian kiukā and Vote tĆĄiukas originate in the Finnic (Finnish) compound noun *kivikota made up of kivi ‘stone’ and kota ‘hut; shelter’. Further, Lude kiudug and Veps kĂŒudug ‘sauna stove’ have also been related to the above-mentioned words. Critical reevaluation of the received view makes it evident that the *kivikota ‘stone hut’ explanation is quite problematic both from a morphological and semantic point of view. From the morphological perspective, the *kivikota hypothesis presupposes a large array of sound changes and analogical shifts that nevertheless account only for a fraction of actual variants of the word without severely conflicting with a number of well-known sound changes in North Finnic. From the semantic perspective, relation of sauna stoves – originally consisting of heaps of stones – to the primary referents of kota ‘hut; shelter’ has never been explained. As the classical “stone hut” explanation must be considered unsatisfying, there are good reasons to reevaluate a nearly forgotten conjecture put forward by A. E. Lindfors (1893) who proposed that kiuas might originate in the compound noun *kivikasa, consisting of kivi ‘stone’ and kasa ‘pile; heap’. As it turns out, the *kivikasa hypothesis accounts for most of the morphological variants as well as the semantic functions of Finnish kiuas, Karelian kiukua and their obvious cognates in Ingrian and Vote. Although the initial step in the emergence of a new noun for ‘sauna stove’ has required a sporadic and irregular change from the compound *kivikasa ‘heap of stones’ towards the less transparent *kiukas(a), the subsequent development Ă  la *kivikasa (nominative) : *kivikasan (genitive) >> present-day Finnish kiu(k)as : kiuka(h)an etc. must be regarded more or less regular. As for the semantics, a reconstructed meaning ‘heap of stones’ for ‘sauna stove’ is paralleled by analogical compounds like Moksha kevmar (ĐșĐ”ĐČĐŒĐ°Ń€) ‘sauna stove; heap of stones’ (from kev ‘stone’ and mar ‘heap’) and is thus far more plausible than the received view about the “stone hut” origins of kiuas. The paper concludes that the “stone hut” theory on the origins of the word for the core element of Finnic sauna must be abandoned as invalid and unproven, whereas the compound *kivikasa ‘heap of stones’ provides a nearly perfect explanation. The main reason for the popularity of the *kivikota theory appears to be the fact that Sirelius’ premature hypothesis has been gradually canonized in the absence of any serious attempts to question its plausibility or to provide alternative, morphologically and semantically sound explanations for the designation of the very core of the Finnic sauna culture

    Åarjelsaemien gïele goh dïhte jillemes uralske gïele jïh akte gieltegs dotkemeobjeekte

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    The article discusses the role and importance of South Saami, the westernmost language of the westernmost branch of the Uralic language family, in Saami, Uralic as well as general typological linguistics. It briefly summarizes the origins of the South Saami language and discusses some of the most prominent characteristic features of the language in its Saami and Scandinavian contexts. Special attention is given to three phenomena: 1) the so-called relation forms of nouns, etymologically related to the comparative marking of adjectives, but synchronically reminiscent of markers of definiteness and possession; 2) differential object marking with as many as three distinct morphological cases (accusative, nominative and elative); and 3) the nature and origins of the auxiliary verb edtjedh ‘shall’, possibly a degrammaticalization of the Proto-Saami potential mood marker

    PUHEKIELEN MORFOLOGISTEN JA SEMANTTISTEN INNOVAATIOIDEN TUTKIMUSNÄKYMIÄ – ESIMERKKINÄ SUOMEN TEKEEN- JA TEKEESTYYPPISET VERBIMUODOT

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    Artikkelissa tarkastellaan kahden suomen murteissa ja nykypuhekielessĂ€ tavattavanei-finiittisen verbimuodon levikkiĂ€ ja semantiikkaa. Perinteisesti ”3. infinitiivinillatiivin tunnuksettomaksi muodoksi” katsotun tekeen-tyyppisen muodon kĂ€yttöon levinnyt 3. infinitiivin inessiivin alalle, ja myös jĂ€lkimmĂ€iselle muodolle ontodettu kehittyneen lyhentynyt variantti (esim. tekees pro tekemĂ€ssĂ€). TutkimuksenlĂ€htökohtana ovat InternetissĂ€ tavattavasta puhekielenomaisesti kirjoitetusta kielestĂ€tehdyt havainnot ja nĂ€iden havaintojen pohjalta laaditun, kaikkiaan 386 informantillateetetyn kyselytestin tuottamat vastaukset. Tutkimusaineiston perusteella tekeenjatekees-tyyppiset verbimuodot esiintyvĂ€t alueellisessa tĂ€ydennysjakaumassa, jaerityisesti tekeen-muotojen voi katsoa kehittyneen ns. absentiivisuuden (esim. deGroot, 2000) ilmaisukeinoksi. Artikkelissa esitellyn tutkimuksen ja sen tulostenyleisempĂ€nĂ€ tarkoituksena on tarjota uusia nĂ€köaloja suomalaiseen murteiden jauudemman puhekielen tutkimukseen: puhuttua kieltĂ€ voi tutkia myös kirjallisinkyselytestein, nykykielenkin variaatiota on mahdollista kuvata kartografisesti, javanhojen kansanmurteiden tasoittumisesta huolimatta kieleen nĂ€yttÀÀ myös syntyvĂ€nyhĂ€ jopa aivan uusia isoglosseja sekĂ€ uusia merkitysopillisia kategorioita.Avainsanat: absentiivi, infinitiivit, kyselytutkimukset, murteet, puhekieliKeywords: absentive, dialects, infinitives, questionnaire-based studies, spoken languag

    Čalbmi čalmmis ja suoldnečalmmit suoidnečalmmis: Sámegielaid singulatiivvat

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    North Saami čalbmi ‘eye’ (< Proto-Uralic *ćilmĂ€) has cognates in all Uralic languages, and everywhere they refer to the visual organs of humans and animals. However, scholars have barely paid attention to the grammatical functions of čalbmi in compound-like formations such as suoldnečalbmi “dew eye”, suoidnečalbmi “grass eye”, varračalbmi “blood eye”, jiekƋačalbmi “ice eye”, vuoktačalbmi “hair eye” and muorječalbmi “berry eye”. This article examines such expressions as so-called singulatives – grammatical means for individuating a single referent from a group or mass (i.e., ‘a single drop of dew’, ‘a single blade of grass’, ‘a single drop of blood’, ‘a single crystal of ice’, ‘a single human hair’ and ‘a single berry’). The article mainly discusses morphological, syntactic and semantic features of singulatives in North Saami and other present-day Saami languages, but comparable singulatives in Khanty, Mansi and Samoyed languages as well as in Hungarian suggest that singulative expressions such as *weri-ćilmĂ€ ‘a single drop of blood’, *jÀƋi-ćilmĂ€ ‘a single crystal of ice; hailstone’ and *meÌźrja-ćilmĂ€ ‘a single berry’ can, in principle, be reconstructed all the way back to Proto-Uralic.SĂĄmegiela čalbmi-substantiivvas leat etymologalaĆĄ vĂĄstagat buot urĂĄlalaĆĄ gielain, ja juohke sajis dat mearkkaĆĄit ĂĄicanorgĂĄna mainna olbmot ja eallit oidnet. Dattetge ovddit dutkit eai leat gidden olus fuomĂĄĆĄumi dasa, makkĂĄr giellaoahpalaĆĄ funkĆĄuvdna sĂĄmegiela čalbmi-elemeanttas lea dalle go dat geavahuvvo dajaldagain dego suoldnečalbmi, suoidnečalbmi, varračalbmi, jiekƋačalbmi, vuoktačalbmi ja muorječalbmi. DĂĄt artihkal analysere dĂĄkkĂĄr dadjanvugiid nu gohčoduvvon singulatiivan, dihtolĂĄgan ĂĄvnnassĂĄniid ovttaidlogu hĂĄpmin. Artihkal guorahallĂĄ davvisĂĄmegiela lassin maiddĂĄi eanĂĄĆĄ earĂĄ sĂĄmegielaid hui seammalĂĄgan singulatiivvaiguin. SĂĄmegielaid singulatiivvaid morfologiija, syntĂĄvssa ja semantihka lassin guorahallo maiddĂĄi daid ĂĄlgovuođđu, dasgo orru vejolaĆĄ jurddaĆĄit, ahte juo urĂĄlalaĆĄ vuođđogielas gĂĄvdnojedje – singulĂĄra, duĂĄla ja plurĂĄla lassin – maiddĂĄi sullasaĆĄ singulatiivvat

    Kielemme kÀÀpiösijoista: prolatiivi, temporaali ja distributiivi

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    Artikkelissa tarkastellaan suomen kielen sijataivutuksen ja adverbinjohdon rajaseutua. Suomen kieliopin kuvauksissa on tapana esittÀÀ 15 sijaa, joiden runsautta pidetÀÀn suomen kielen erityispiirteenĂ€. Artikkelissa siirrytÀÀn perinteisen sijaparadigman marginaalin eli jopa niin sanottujen marginaalisten sijojen (abessiivin, instruktiivin ja komitatiivin) ulkopuolelle. Tarkastelun kohteena on vanhastaankin sijataivutuksen yhteydessĂ€ huomiota saanut vĂ€yliĂ€ ja vĂ€lineitĂ€ ilmaiseva prolatiivi, mutta keskiössĂ€ ovat erityisesti isin-pÀÀtteiset temporaaliset ja (i)ttAin-pÀÀtteiset distributiiviset muodosteet, kuten iltaisin ja maanantaisin tai alueittain ja lajeittain. Tutkimusaineistona ovat laajat kirjoitettua nykysuomea edustavat korpukset. Kyllin laajoissa tutkimusaineistoissa sekĂ€ isin-temporaali ettĂ€ (i)ttAin-distributiivi paljastuvat verrattain produktiivisiksi muodostetyypeiksi: temporaalimuotojen (esim. kesÀöisin, sapattisin) rinnalla etenkin distributiivimuodot ovat erittĂ€in monikĂ€yttöisiĂ€ (kylĂ€kunnittain, nuorkauppakamareittain, tyylipiirteittĂ€in). ErityistĂ€ huomiota saavat muodosteiden syntaktiset ominaisuudet, joiden valossa temporaali ja distributiivi – ja myös prolatiivi – poikkeavat tavanomaisista adverbeista, jollaisina niitĂ€ perinteisesti on pidetty. Mahdollisia ovat muun muassa relatiivilauseet (kirjeitse, jossa – –, maanantaisin, jotka – –), genetiiviattribuutit (elokuun lauantaisin, Suomen kunnittain) ja erÀÀt taipumattomat mÀÀritteet (joka maanantaisin, koko kylĂ€kunnittain). Uusi havainto on myös temporaali- ja distributiivimuotojen kyky saada instruktiivimuotoisia adjektiiviattribuutteja: lausekkeet satunnaisin viikonloppuisin ja tietyin aihealueittain muistuttavat marginaalisuudessaankin sijamuotoja ja etenkin komitatiivia (omin ~ omine lupineen). Artikkelissa esitetÀÀn, ettĂ€ sijajĂ€rjestelmĂ€mme kuvauksen rajapintaa voisi laajentaa erÀÀnlaisilla kÀÀpiösijoilla samaan tapaan kuin erĂ€itĂ€ aurinkokuntamme jĂ€seniĂ€ voidaan luonnehtia kÀÀpiöplaneetoiksi, vaikka ne eivĂ€t varsinaiseen planeetan mÀÀritelmÀÀn sopisikaan.   On Finnish dwarf cases: prolative, temporal and distributive The article discusses the borderland between nominal case inflection and adverb derivation in Finnish. Finnish grammars customarily present a case system of fifteen cases. The present article takes a step outside of the most marginal cases (abessive, instructive and comitative) within the traditional paradigm. In addition to observations on the so-called prolative, which has at times been considered a borderline case, the main focus of the study is on two kinds of formations traditionally regarded as denominal adverbs. The previously under-described formations ending in -isin have a repetitive temporal meaning (e.g., iltaisin ‘in the evenings’) and those ending in -(i)ttain/-(i)ttĂ€in are distributive forms (e.g., maittain ‘by country’). Based on data drawn from large corpora of modern written Finnish, the temporal form -isin and particularly the distributive forms -(i)ttain/-(i)ttĂ€in appear to be rather productive morphological categories. Special attention is given to the syntactic properties of these formations, as the data shows that not only do the case-like prolative forms differ from ordinary adverbs, but the temporal and distributive forms do so too. The author argues that the formations in question are not fully denominal forms, rather they reveal many features characteristic of nouns: they may be accompanied by postmodifying relative clauses as well as genitive and adjectival modifiers. In the absence of the full agreement typical of Finnish adjectival modifiers, the associated adjectives occur in the instructive case (e.g., satunnais-in viikonloppu-isin [random-pl.instr weekend-temp] ‘on random weekends’ and tiety-in aihealue-ittain [certain-pl.instr thematic.area-distr] ‘by certain thematic areas’), which in turn makes the temporal and distributive forms resemble those of the comitative case. The article shows that the inflection–derivation interface of the Finnish noun is far from clear-cut. On the basis of the findings presented in this study, the author asserts that our understanding of the Finnish case system could be advanced by introducing the concept of the “dwarf case”, analogous with that of dwarf planets, which are members of the Solar System and share many features with planets despite not being true planets themselves

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