50 research outputs found

    Saint-Pierre-sur-Dives – Abbaye Notre-Dame : restitution d’un pavement médiéval

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    Date de l'opération : 2007 (EX) Inventeur(s) : Desloges Jean (SRA) Jusqu’en 1921, le sanctuaire de l’église abbatiale s’ornait d’un pavement en carreaux de terre cuite émaillée attribué au XIIIe s. À cette date, l’état d’usure justifia le transfert des meilleurs carreaux dans la salle capitulaire où ils furent rassemblés sur une plateforme en béton. Récemment, le projet de restauration de ladite salle capitulaire posa à nouveau le problème du devenir du pavement. Celui-ci, bien que réduit au..

    La minière Néolithique ancien / moyen I des Longrais à Soumont-Saint-Quentin (Calvados)

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    L’implantation d’un lotissement à Soumont-Saint-Quentin (Calvados) a suscité un diagnostic archéologique sur une minière de silex en partie fouillée par B. Edeine dans les années 1960. 38 puits ont ainsi pu être dégagés en surface et 9 ont fait l’objet d’une fouille archéologique. Cette minière visait à l’exploitation du silex bathonien inclus dans les argiles de recouvrement du site (dans des cuvettes de dissolution ou en nappe), ou en dessous dans le calcaire. Le débitage était réalisé in situ, comme le suggère la présence de l’intégralité de la chaîne de production piégé surtout dans le remplissage des puits. Ce débitage vise à la production par percussion indirecte de lames régulières, ainsi plus marginalement qu’à celle d’éclats courts et au façonnage de tranchets bitronqués ou bifaciaux. L’ensemble peut être daté du Néolithique ancien ou du Néolithique moyen I, ce qui fait du site des Longrais une des minières parmi les plus anciennes d’Europe du nord.An housing development in Soumont-Saint-Quentin (Calvados) provided the opportunity for assessment on a flint mine partly excavated by B. Edeine in the ‘60. 38 pits could be defined by scraping and 9 were excavated. This mine exploited bathonian flints included as well as in drift clays (in solution pockets or as seam) as in underlying limestone. Knapping was carried out in situ, as suggests evidence of the entire production process in the pit fills. Regular blades were produced by indirect percussion, but also, marginally, short flakes and bitruncated or bifacial tranchets. The whole can be dated from Early Neolithic or Middle 1 Neolithic, which makes Les Longrais one the oldest flint mines known in Northern Europe

    Ri – A 88, Le Fresne

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    Date de l'opération : 2007 (FP) Le creusement de puits pour atteindre les silex renfermés dans le sous-sol calcaire, est l’une des grandes originalités du Néolithique bas-normand. De ce point de vue, la zone sud de la plaine de Caen ne le cède en rien aux grandes régions minières que sont l’est du Bassin parisien, le Hainaut ou la Pologne. Ce phénomène de grande ampleur fut identifié dès le XIX e s. au travers de vastes épandages de silex, mais les premières observations de puits datent de..

    Development and Characterization of a Piezoelectrically Actuated MEMS Digital Loudspeaker

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    International audienceThe MEMS digital loudspeaker consists of a set of acoustic transducers, called speaklets, arranged in a matrix and which operate in a binary manner by emitting short pulses of sound pressure. Using the principle of additivity of pressures in the air, it is possible to reconstruct an audible sound. MEMS technology is particularly well suited to produce the large number of speaklets needed for sound reconstruction quality while maintaining a reasonable size. This paper presents for the first time the modeling, realization and characterizations of a piezoelectric digital loudspeaker based on MEMS technology. Static, dynamic and acoustic measurements are performed and match closely with theoretical results

    The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

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    Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

    The Seeds of Divergence: The Economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

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    Camembert (Orne). Prospection aérienne

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    Desloges Jean. Camembert (Orne). Prospection aérienne. In: Archéologie médiévale, tome 28, 1998. p. 332

    Cauvicourt (Calvados). Sondages

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    Desloges Jean. Cauvicourt (Calvados). Sondages. In: Archéologie médiévale, tome 28, 1998. p. 217

    Camembert (Orne). Prospection aérienne

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    Desloges Jean. Camembert (Orne). Prospection aérienne. In: Archéologie médiévale, tome 28, 1998. p. 332
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