Moving the Indonesian capital city and social Implications for Sabah

Malaysia-Indonesia is one of the most important countries in the world. Malaysia is also the second most important country in Indonesia, and Malaysia is the third most important. Indonesia is a country with the largest number of people living in Malaysia. Malaysia and Indonesia are a part of the world, and Indonesia is the second largest country in terms of the total number of Malaysians living in Indonesia. Malaysia is the fourth largest country, with a population of 1.9 million people. Malaysia has the highest number of residents living in Southeast Asia and the third largest in Southeast Asian countrie

Bugis in Sabah and GE-14: Case Study of Kalabakan Parliament

In the context of Malaysia, the politics of ethnic diversity often focus on Malays, Chinese and Indians. This is probably influenced by the historical background of the country concerned with the declaration of independence on August 31, 1957 which was obtained by the agreement of these three ethnic groups under the Alliance Party umbrella. This ethnic collective agreement continued until Sabah and Sarawak together with the Federation of Malaya formed Malaysia on 16 September 1963. The historical fact of witnessing the sharing of some of the major events of the country is that sometimes from the other side of the minds of academic or non-academic groups sometimes become narrow and tangled its nature. As a result, the dimensions of national political studies, especially on ethnic politics are often bombarded by writing focusing on Malay, Chinese and Indian as subjects especially in the run-up to the general elections. It is rarely highlighted by other ethnicities, especially in Sabah and Sarawak which also play a very significant role in determining the country’s political direction. One of them is the Bugis community on the east coast of Sabah, which is based on Sabah’s historical background that its involvement in Sabah’s political arena, especially for the Kalabakan parliament by the GE-14 which is rarely studied. Recognizing the caps, this paper is to highlight the role and existence of Bugis communities in Sabah especially in the context of Sabah politics, especially the east coast. In understanding this reality the method used to obtain information and data is through direct interviews of respondents involved in the political leadership of the government or opposition

Malaysia's 13th general election: Sabah-Barisan Nasional fixed-deposit state?

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election(GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-à-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a “fixed deposit”state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election

Isu penyeludupan di Pulau Sebatik, Malaysia

Makalah ini membincangkan penyeludupan yang berlaku di Pulau Sebatik, sebuah pulau yang dikongsi bersama oleh Malaysia-Indonesia. Tumpuan diberikan kepada penyeludupan dadah, senjata dan teroris serta pemerdagangan manusia dan pendatang tanpa izin (PTI) yang berlaku di pulau tersebut. Kedudukan Pulau Sebatik yang sangat ideal membolehkan penyeludupan dilakukan oleh pihak sindiket mahupun individu serta ditambah lagi dengan beberapa faktor seperti rasuah, kurangnya kawalan pihak keselamatan Malaysia, jaringan sosial serta kejauhan jarak antara Pulau Sebatik (Indonesia)-Jakarta. Dengan menggunakan kaedah kualitatif, data diperoleh melalui temu bual dan pemerhatian di lapangan serta rujukan buku, tesis, artikel jurnal, akhbar di samping laman web agensi kerajaan. Dapatan kajian mendapati dadah yang di seludup melalui Pulau Sebatik hanya sekitar 10 peratus sahaja, namun kemudiannya disebarkan sehingga ke Sulawesi Selatan. Pulau ini digunakan sebagai laluan bagi aktiviti kumpulan radikal di Indonesia mendapatkan latihan serta menyokong pihak yang tertindas di selatan Filipina di samping menyeludup senjata dari selatan Filipina ke Indonesia; dan sindiket pemerdagangan orang dan PTI mengambil peluang kerana menyedari ramai rakyat dari Indonesia yang mahu masuk ke Sabah untuk bekerja

Nota editor jemputan: Politik negeri Sabah khususnya, sebelum dan pasca PRU-14

Kedudukan Sabah sebagai negeri ke-13 dalam Malaysia bukan sahaja semakin berkembang pesat dari aspek pembangunan fizikal, tetapi juga mencakupi persoalan bukan fizikal. Maka, Sabah sering kali mendapat perhatian sebagai sebuah negeri yang sedang bergelut untuk keluar daripada senarai negeri termiskin di Malaysia dan mendapat desakan untuk membantu dalam pembentukan “politik baharu” yang bercirikan nilai keadilan dan kesamaan. Dua aspek tersebut kemudiannya mengiringi perkembangan wacana baharu berkenaan Sabah yang sememangnya diakui kaya dengan hasil bumi dan mempunyai pengalaman besar dalam membentuk kedinamikan politiknya yang tersendiri sejak merdeka melalui Malaysia. Hakikat ini terbukti apabila Sabah pernah menyumbangkan nilai GDP terbesar kepada Negara, manakala pertukaran kerajaan adalah amalan biasa yang dilakukan oleh masyarakatnya sejak tahun 1975. Namun, keadaan ini tidak berlanjutan apabila politik Sabah mengalami “kelesuan” dengan berakhirnya era pentadbiran parti lokal menyebabkan laungan reformasi di Semenanjung Tanah Melayu tidak memberikan impak yang jelas kepada negeri Sabah. Keadaan yang sama ditunjukkan semasa PRU-13 yang disinonimkan dengan istilah “tsunami politik”. Melayu bukan sahaja gagal menerobos masuk dalam kalangan pengundi di Sabah, sebaliknya negeri ini terus menjadi “benteng terakhir” kepada Barisan Nasional (BN) untuk kekal menakluki Putrajaya (Zaini et al., 2016)

Bugis di Sabah dan PRU-14: Kajian kes Parlimen Kalabakan

Dalam konteks Malaysia, umumnya persoalan politik berbaur keetnikan sering kali berfokus kepada Melayu, Cina dan India. Hal ini barang kali dipengaruhi oleh latar belakang sejarah negara terkait dengan pengisytiharan kemerdekaan pada 31 Ogos 1957 yang diperoleh hasil daripada kesepakatan bersama ketiga-tiga etnik ini di bawah payung Parti Perikatan. Kesepakatan bersama etnik ini berterusan sehinggalah Sabah dan Sarawak bersama-sama Persekutuan Tanah Melayu membentuk Malaysia pada 16 September 1963. Hakikat sejarah yang menyaksikan perkongsian beberapa peristiwa besar negara inilah yang adakalanya dari sisi lain membuatkan dimensi pemikiran kelompok akademik mahupun bukan akademik menjadi sempit dan terkongkong sifatnya. Natijahnya, dimensi kajian politik negara khususnya yang berkenaan politik etnik sering kali dihujani penulisan dengan memfokuskan Melayu, Cina dan India sebagai subjek kajian khususnya menjelang pilihan raya umum. Agak jarang diketengahkan etnik lain khususnya di Sabah dan Sarawak yang sebenarnya juga memainkan peranan yang sangat signifikan dalam menentukan hala tuju politik negara. Salah satunya adalah komuniti Bugis di pantai timur Sabah yang sungguhpun berdasarkan latar sejarah Sabah keterlibatannya dalam arena politik negeri Sabah khususnya bagi Parlimen Kalabakan menjelang PRU-14 adalah jelas, namun jarang sekali dijadikan subjek kajian dan sering kali dikebelakangkan. Menyedari kekurangan tersebut, maka makalah ini hadir untuk mengetengahkan peranan dan keberadaan komuniti Bugis di Sabah khususnya dalam konteks politik Sabah khasnya di pantai timur. Dalam memahami realiti ini, metode yang digunakan bagi mendapatkan maklumat dan data adalah menerusi temu bual secara langsung dengan responden yang terlibat, yang terdiri daripada pimpinan politik di barisan kerajaan mahupun pembangkang

Exploring the interdependence model in Malaysia-Indonesia relations: Insights from Sabah, Malaysia

The historical similarities between Malaysia and Indonesia, apparent in geographical proximity and social-cultural dimensions, significantly influence perspectives and discourse on their bilateral relations. Despite frequent assertions of shared kinship and racial ties, relations between Malaysia and Indonesia are consistently characterised by rivalry, marked by numerous disagreements and challenges. This paper posits that conflict is a minor element in the broader discourse of relations, emphasising the importance of cooperation due to the complex interdependence between these two countries. Using Sabah as a case study, this paper highlights the significance of interdependence between Malaysia and Indonesia, delving into pivotal issues that shape the dynamics of their bilateral relationship. It focuses on several issues such as the population and kinship ties, the reliance of the Sabah economic sector on the Indonesian Migrant Workers (PMI), consumer goods and everyday necessities, interdependence in the security sector, and finally haze and environmental pollutions to outline the dynamics of interdependence between Sabah (Malaysia) and Indonesia. All facets describing these relations are emphasised since they demonstrate that these two countries are interdependent and share common interests in nearly all sectors. This paper contends that despite facing various contentious issues and problems, the interdependence that occurs contributes to a harmonious relationship and is able to avoid conflict between the two countries

Legasi Datuk Seri Mohd. Shafie Apdal (DSSA) di Parlimen Semporna dalam Pru-14

Semporna merupakan sebuah daerah maritim yang terletak di bahagian pantai timur Sabah. Pada PRU-14, pandangan penganalisis banyak bertumpu ke Semporna kerana reformasi politik Sabah telah bermula di daerah ini rentetan keluarnya DSSA daripada UMNO dan menubuhkan Parti Warisan. Ramai berpandangan bahawa tindakan DSSA ini sebagai menggali lubang kubur sendiri dan bakal menamatkan hayat politiknya yang telah dibina sejak 1995. Namun keputusan PRU-14 menyatakan sebaliknya, malahan beliau berjaya ditabalkan sebagai Ketua Menteri Sabah. Oleh itu, makalah ini cuba meneliti sejarah penglibatan politik DSSA yang menyebabkan beliau berjaya menonjolkan legasinya walaupun terpaksa berhadapan dengan legasi mentornya, Tun Sakaran. Bagi memahami isu ini, keputusan pilihan raya bermula PRU-9 dianalisis bersama dengan analisis kandungan laporan media-media on-line. Melalui analisis ini, didapati DSSA merupakan watak penting dalam politik Semporna. Ini ditunjukkan dengan jumlah undi popular dalam PRU yang disertainya kekal di atas paras 70 peratus. Walaupun rakyat Semporna sinonim dengan USNO dan UMNO tetapi perpindahan DSSA kepada parti baharu iaitu Warisan, tidak menjejaskan sokongan rakyat terhadapnya. Ini dibuktikan dengan jumlah majoriti undi yang diperoleh semasa PRU-13 dan PRU-14 adalah hampir sama iaitu sekitar 20,000 undi. Tambahan pula, parti DSSA mampu mengekalkan undi popular sebanyak 74.2 paeratus di DUN Senallang dan 75.4 peratus di DUN Bugaya apabila berhadapan legasi Tun Sakaran

Legacy of Datuk Seri Mohd. Shafie Apdal (DSSA) in Semporna’s Parliament in GE-14

Semporna is a maritime district located on the east coast of Sabah. In the last GE-14, most of political analysts were concentrating on Semporna because of Sabah’s political reformation begun in this area when the DSSA resigned from UMNO and formed Warisan Party. Many claimed that the action of DSSA as digging its own grave and will end his political life that has been built since 1995. But the results of the GE-14 said the opposite in fact he has been successfully appointed as the Chief Minister of Sabah. So, this paper tries to study the history of DSSA’s political involvement that has led to its legacy includes forcing himself to face for the legacy of his mentor,Tun Sakaran. To understand this issue, the election results starting from GE-9 were analyzed along with an analysis of the content of on-line media reports. Through this analysis, it was found that DSSA was an important character in Semporna’s politics. This is indicated by the number of popular votes in a contested general election remained above 70 per cent. Although the people of Semporna are synonymous with USNO and UMNO but the shifting of DSSA to Warisan Party, does not affect the people’s support for him. This is evidenced by the number of majority votes obtained by the GE-13 and the GE-14 is amounting 20,000 votes. Furthermore, the DSSA party was able to maintain a popular vote of 74.2 percent in DUN Senallang and 75.4 percent in the DUN Bugaya when facing the Tun Sakaran legacy