Global Study Firearms Trafficking 2020

UNODC has carried out its most comprehensive collection of data on firearms trafficking to date, gathering details from survey responses and other sources in 81 countries for 2016-17. These data give a unique insight into the patterns of trafficking globally, regionally and nationally, providing a vital resource for law enforcement, policymakers and public bodies seeking to reduce the damage caused by the illicit circulation of firearms. Based on these sources, a total of 550,000 firearms were seized during each of 2016 and 2017. The data showed wide variations among countries in terms of quantities seized, which ranged from less than 10 to more than 300,000. The nature of seizures reported also varieddramatically. The real global figure for seizures is much higher than 550,000, as some of the countries covered by this study underreported their seizures for administrative reasons, and the quality of data varied significantly between countries. Also, many countries have not provided any information, including some of the world’s most populous nations. Nonetheless, the coverage for this attempt at global data collection is good and likely to improve in thecoming years, as data collection is streamlined and embedded in national institutions

Security Challenges in Sub-Saharan Africa and Collective Security Challenges: The EAC and SADC in Comparative Perspective

Security Challenges in Sub-Sahara Afrika und kollektive Sicherheit Herausforderungen: Die EAC und SADC in Comparative Perspective Die meisten regionalen und subregionalen Organisationen in Afrika sind konfrontiert mit mehr oder weniger ähnlichen Formen von Sicherheitsbedrohungen. Obwohl ein Potential für zwischenstaatliche Konflikte besteht, bestehen wenig Zweifel, dass die heute auffälligsten Herausforderungen für die Sicherheit, denen die Mehrheit der Staaten Afrikas sich gegenüber sieht, sich hauptsächlich in zwei Formen darstellen, nämlich transnationalen Bedrohungen oder innenpolitischen Krisen. Im Falle des Ausbleibens der richtigen Maßnahmen tragen beide das Potential in sich, die regionale, bzw. sub-regionale Stabilitätweiter zu gefährden. Die Ausgangsannahme war, dass subregionale Organisationen bewußt eingesetzt wurden, nicht nur, um ein kollektives Forum für den Einsatz von Krisenmechanismen im Falle transnationaler Bedrohung bereitzustellen, sondern dass sie auch eine wichtige Rolle zur Lösung von Konfliktsituationen in den Mitgliedsstaaten einnehmen können. Folglich fragt die Studie danach, wie subregionale Organisationen mit Sicherheitsmandaten sich faktisch koordinieren und auf kollektive Sicherheitsprobleme reagieren. Wichtig war hier zu vergleichen, wie jede der zwei unterschiedlichen Sicherheitsprobleme, nicht nur innerhalb einer, sondern im Vergleich zweier subregionaler Organisationen angegangen wird. Die vorliegende Untersuchung war daher bestrebt, unter Benutzung einer qualitativen vergleichenden Methode, die jeweilige sicherheitspolitische Rolle der Eastern African Community und der Southern African Development Community zu untersuchen, bezogen auf den Zeitraum zwischen 2000 und 2011. Im Bewusstsein der Tatsache, dass eine Reihe von Akteuren in einem mehrstufigen und dynamischen Prozess involviert ist, was zunehmend auch die Forderung nach Steuerung auf subregionaler Ebene unterstützt, ging die Studie darüber hinaus, lediglich die Unterschiede und Ähnlichkeiten herauszuarbeiten und hinterfragte, wie während der Ausübung der Koordinations- und Steuerungsfunktionen die Interaktionen der Akteure auf die Wirksamkeit der Organisationen in Bezug auf die diskutierten Gefährdungen regionaler Sicherheit auswirken. Die sich aus der Untersuchung ergebenden Erfahrungen der EAC und SADC und ihrer Reaktionen auf die Sicherheitsgefährdungen bei mit Kleinwaffen ausgetragenen Konflikten und innenpolitischen Krisen bestätigen die Hypothese der Studie, dass die Koordination und Lenkung der subregionalen Sicherheitspolitik abhängig ist von der Art der kollektiven Sicherheitsbedrohung. Die beobachteten Entwicklungen und Praktiken innerhalb der EAC- und SADC-Sicherheitsarchitekturen zeigen auch auf, dass die hier im Fokus stehenden subregionalen Organisationen als vergleichsweise effektivere Akteure im Bereich der Kleinwaffen erscheinen, und tendenziellweniger in Fällen innenpolitischer Krisen in Mitgliedsstaaten.Most regional and sub-regional organizations confront more or less similar forms of security threats. Indeed, while there is still potential for inter-state conflict, it is well documented that the most salient security challenges confronting the majority of states in Africa to date are mainly of two forms, namely transnational threats and internal or domestic political crises. These security challenges if not properly addressed have the potential to turn stability into sub-regional or regional anarchical order. It was assumed that sub-regional organizations are adeptly placed not only to provide a collective forum for facilitating response mechanisms to transnational threats, but also can play important roles resolving conflict situations within their members. The study, thus, set out to establish how sub-regional arrangements with security mandates actually coordinate and manage their responses to these collective security challenges in their delineated areas. It was deemed important to compare not only how each of the two forms of security challenges are addressed within one, but also across two sub-regional arrangements. The study, therefore, with a comparative emphasis and using a qualitative method, sought to examine the roles of the EAC and SADC in their attempts to address these security challenges confronting their respective sub-regions covering the period from 2000 to 2011. Cognizant of the fact that there is an array of actors engaged in a multilevel and dynamic process, which increasingly underpins security governance in the sub-regional level, the study moved beyond fleshing out disparities and resemblances and interrogated how actors’ interactions during coordination and management functions reflect on the organization’s overall effectiveness in relation to the security challenges. The emerging patterns from the examination of the EAC and SADC experiences in reacting to the security challenges of small arms and domestic political crises confirm the study’s hypothesis that the coordination and management of sub-regional security governance depends on the type of collective security challenge. The observed developments and practices within the EAC and SADC security architectures also reveal that the security dimensions facing their Member States and the mitigating tasks of these sub-regional groupings vary. In comparative terms the sub-regional organizations under focus here appear as more effective actors in the small arms issue-area and less so when it comes to cases of domestic political crises

Defense security and sustainable development in Africa: Emerging challenges and response

The endemic nature of insecurity in Africa stands out as one which is disastrous, thereby making African a shadow of itself. This study examines defense security and sustainable development in emerging democracies of Sub-Saharan Africa. Methodologically, Crosssectional descriptive survey design was adopted in the study, while primary and secondary sources of data were relied upon, interview and focus group discussion (FGD) were used as primary instruments of data collections. The social contract theory is adopted as the framework of analysis. Finding of this study revealed that bad governance has perpetuated class antagonism which breeds dissatisfaction amongst people in a bid to seek equality and justice in the distribution of power and economic resources. This process conceives conflict and the result for which many take to demand for rights which are unmet, hence unleashed terror to secure inalienable rights, access to power and economy. An analysis on Sustainable Development in this study, does reveal that denial and lack of access and opportunities are fundamental premises under which devastations of an economy can ensue and hence the entrenchment of the reign of terror. This process, as applicable in Africa, did also permeate the preponderance of reserved armies of unemployed under the guise of mendicant friars that further heightened the predominance of the terrorist regime in Africa amidst destruction of lives and economy. A way out of this is to create mechanism to open up more equitable access to power and economic opportunities which could lead to full capacity utilization of people’s potentials and subsequently empower them with incomes and improved living conditions. This requires both commitment and diplomacy of the government and to undertake under the banner of collective responsibility and good governance

A NEW NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY TO COMBAT BOKO HARAM TERRORISM IN NIGERIA

For several decades, terrorism has shaped Nigeria’s security paradigm. Many scholars agree that misperceptions of Islamic religious doctrine, poor governance, and socioeconomic difficulties are the root causes of this internal security. To address this problem, Nigeria has devised several strategies such as enactment of National Counterterrorism Strategy in 2004. Additionally, a non-kinetic strategy, which includes Operation Safe Corridor, was initiated to encourage terrorists to surrender and embrace peace through disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration. Despite these laudable initiatives, Nigeria has not adequately addressed the menace of terrorism. Remaining challenges include applying a conventional approach to an unconventional threat, insufficient employment of technology and inadequate intelligence support, and inadequate international cooperation. This thesis recommends a new strategy that will address the challenges of counterterrorism in Nigeria. Some viable options for Nigeria include involving all related governmental bodies to contribute toward the fight against Boko Haram terrorism, abolishing the Almajiri system of education, and developing social intervention and empowerment programs to eradicate poverty in northeastern Nigeria. Finally, extensive public education is required to support the efforts.Commander, Nigerian NavyApproved for public release. Distribution is unlimited

Traditional Authority and Security in Contemporary Nigeria

Exploring the contentious landscape of Nigeria’s escalating violence, this book describes the changing roles of traditional authorities in combatting contemporary security challenges. Set against a backdrop of widespread security threats – including insurgency, land disputes, communal violence, regional independence movements, and widespread criminal activities – perhaps more than ever before, Nigeria’s conventional security infrastructure seems ill-equipped for the job. This book offers a fresh, empirical analysis of the roles of traditional authorities – including kings, Ezes, Obas, and Emirs – who are often hailed as potent alternatives to the state in security governance. It complicates the assumption that these traditional leaders, by virtue of their customary legitimacy and popular roots, are singularly effective in preventing and managing violence. Instead, in exploring their creative adaptation to governance roles after a dramatic postcolonial downturn, this book argues that traditional leaders can augment, but not substitute, the state in addressing insecurity. This book’s in-depth analysis will be of interest to researchers and policy makers across African and security studies, political science, anthropology, and development. David Ehrhardt is an Associate Professor of International Development at Leiden University, The Netherlands. His main research interests are African governance and educational innovation. David has published extensively on Nigeria and co-leads the Learning Mindset project that promotes autonomous learning in higher education. David Oladimeji Alao is a Professor in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, and Chief of Staff to the President/Vice Chancellor, Babcock University, Ogun State, Nigeria. Professor Alao has authored several articles and 3 edited books. M. Sani Umar is a Professor in the Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, University of Abuja, Nigeria. His research centres on religious vio- lence and peace building, with a focus on understanding the roots of religious conflict and the dynamics of religious pluralism

Mediterranean in Dis/order

Mediterranean in Dis/order reveals the connection between space and politics by examining the role that space has played in insurgencies, conflicts, uprisings, and mobilities in the Mediterranean region. With this approach, the authors are able to challenge well-established beliefs about the power structure of the state across different disciplines (including political science, history, sociology, geography, and anthropology), and its impact on the conception, production, and imagination of space in the broader Mediterranean. Further, they contribute to particular areas of studies, such as migration, political Islam, mobilization, and transition to democracy, among others. The book, infusing critical theory, unveils original and revelatory case studies in Tunisia, Libya, Lebanon, Turkey, Syria, Morocco, and the EU Mediterranean policy, through a various set of actors and practices—from refugees and migrations policies, to Islamist or students’ movements, architectural sites, or movies. This multidisciplinary perspective on space and power provides a valuable resource for practitioners interested in how space, context, and time interact to produce institutions, political subjectivities, and asymmetries of power, particularly since the turning point of the Arab uprisings. The book also helps readers understand the conditions under which the uprisings develop, giving a clearer picture about various national, regional, and international dynamics

Kanadas Human Security Agenda. Institutionalisierung einer politischen Vision

Diese Arbeit untersucht die kanadische Human Security Agenda (1995-2010) vor dem Hintergrund ihrer verschiedenen Institutionalisierungsformen. Neben einer nominalistischen Annäherung an die Human Security Agenda analysiert die Arbeit die Entwicklung des Human Security Program, des Human Security Network und weiterer Institutionen zur Einbindung der kanadischen Zivilgesellschaft

The Extent of Al-Qaeda’s Presence in Africa: Security Threats and Policy Implications to the U.S.

Following a period close to fifteen years of fighting the extremist terrorist group Al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the United States (US) is faced with diverse security threats from affiliates of Al Qaeda in Africa. This study explores the extent of Al Qaeda’s presence in Africa, security threat and policy implications to the US. A qualitative methodology through document analysis and informed by the interpretivist research paradigm was employed. With Al Qaeda’s continued growth, there could be nuclear terrorism, arms and drug trafficking among other threats. Policy recommendations are given for the United States of America

Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia

This open-access book presents cutting-edge research on securitization and democratic development in the OSCE Region. Gathering contributions by practitioners and researchers from various disciplines, it presents case studies and highlights recent activities of proactive engagement in democratic institution-building and responding to security threats from the Balkans to Central Asia. The volume is divided into three parts, the first of which focuses on security-related matters, armed conflicts, minorities, and women’s safety, as well as the roles that civil society, foreign governments, social media, and external donors play in this area. These contributions illustrate how the OSCE’s informal approach to peace, security, and securitization as norm entrepreneur is closely linked to the level of democracy among its member states. The second part presents a special section on the political implications of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), assessing the impact of this infrastructural program on the levels of democracy and/or autocracy in Eurasia. The third part consists of short chapters outlining future research and debates. The book will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, security studies, and the human rights-politics nexus. This is the 2022 instalment in a series of books released by the OSCE Academy in Bishkek. The OSCE works to promote Minority Protection, Security, Democratic Development and Human Rights, guided by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), and to enhance securitization and development policies in Eurasia, Europe, Central Asia and North America. Since being founded in 1993, the OSCE and its agencies and departments have attracted a wealth of academic research in various fields and disciplines, ranging from economic development and election monitoring to enhancing global principles of human rights and securitization