A general model of the public goods dilemma

An individually costly act that benefits all group members is a public good. Natural selection favors individual contribution to public goods only when some benefit to the individual offsets the cost of contribution. Problems of sex ratio, parasite virulence, microbial metabolism, punishment of noncooperators, and nearly all aspects of sociality have been analyzed as public goods shaped by kin and group selection. Here, I develop two general aspects of the public goods problem that have received relatively little attention. First, variation in individual resources favors selfish individuals to vary their allocation to public goods. Those individuals better endowed contribute their excess resources to public benefit, whereas those individuals with fewer resources contribute less to the public good. Thus, purely selfish behavior causes individuals to stratify into upper classes that contribute greatly to public benefit and social cohesion and to lower classes that contribute little to the public good. Second, if group success absolutely requires production of the public good, then the pressure favoring production is relatively high. By contrast, if group success depends weakly on the public good, then the pressure favoring production is relatively weak. Stated in this way, it is obvious that the role of baseline success is important. However, discussions of public goods problems sometimes fail to emphasize this point sufficiently. The models here suggest simple tests for the roles of resource variation and baseline success. Given the widespread importance of public goods, better models and tests would greatly deepen our understanding of many processes in biology and sociality

The extent and risk factors for transactional sex among young people, in urban informal settlements in Blantyre, Malawi

A Research Report submitted to the School of Public Health, University of the Witwatersrand in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Public Health. May 27, 2015Introduction: Studies across Sub-Sahara have established transactional sex as one of the of the keys factors contributing to young people’s risk of HIV infection. However, there are few studies that have explored the dynamics of transactional sex among young people in Malawi. The aim of this study was to investigate the extent of, and risk factors associated with transactional sex among (in and out of school) young men and women of ages 18 – 23 years in urban informal settlements in Blantyre, Malawi. Methods: This was a secondary analysis of data from a cross-sectional study conducted in 2013 on sexual risk-taking among young people aged 18 – 23 years in urban informal settlements in the city of Blantyre, Malawi. The analysis was restricted to sexually active young men and women (those respondents who reported ever having sexual intercourse in the primary study). Bivariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to detect associations between socio-demographic factors (i.e. age, socio-economic status, relationship status and education, as well as behavioral factors (i.e. sexual debut, number of partners, age disparity with sexual partner, coercive sex and alcohol consumption), and transactional sex. Results: The majority (60.06%) of the study population reported involvement in transactional sex. Stratified by sex, 67.10% of young men had ever given cash or material goods in order to get sex, and 53.45% of young women had ever received cash or material goods in exchange for sex. Half (50.75%) of the transactional sex reported was in exchange for cash and consumption/lifestyle goods and from this, over half of the young women (58.67%) reported receiving consumption and lifestyle goods in exchange for sex, and slightly over a quarter (26.32%) of the young men reported giving survival needs in exchange for sex. Among men, household structure (AOR 2.07, 95% CI 1.37 – 3.13) and severe food insecurity (AOR 1.67, 95% CI 1.05 – 2.67) emerged as important socio-demographic predictors of transactional sex, and number of sexual partners (AOR 2.67, 95% CI 1.78 – 4.08) and age disparity (AOR 0.34, 95% CI 0.21 – 0.57) were shown to be the behavioral factors that influence giving cash/material goods for sex. Among young women, only age at sexual debut (AOR 2.07, 95% CI 1.37 – 3.13) and number of sexual partners (AOR 3.02, 95% CI 1.65 – 5.52), were significantly associated with receiving cash or goods in exchange for sex. Conclusions: Overall, the study findings show that transactional sex is a common practice among young men and women, and that both young and women exchange luxury or aspirational items more than survival items for sex. Among young men, household structure, food security, age at sexual debut, number of sexual partners and age differentials with sexual partner were associated with giving material goods or money for sex. Among women on the other hand, age at sexual debut and number of sexual partners were associated with receiving material goods or money in exchange with sex. These findings suggest that young people in poor urban settings engage in risky sexual behavior such as Transactional sex, and highlight the need for HIV prevention interventions to deliberately target this group. Programmers should consider designing interventions that suit the needs of the different gender groups. The study findings also highlight the importance of targeting young women with behavioral change interventions before sexual debut, and integrating transactional sex interventions with those focused on reduction of multiple sexual partnerships may have beneficial implications for transactional sex among young people in poor urban settings. Further research should explore the influence of materialist and consumeristic cultures on transactional sex among young people

Creation Stories: Stanley Hauerwas, Same-Sex Marriage, and Narrative in Law and Theology

When I think about--members of my own staff who are incredibly committed, in monogamous relationships, same-sex relationships, who are raising kids together. When I think about--those soldiers or airmen or marines or--sailors who are out there fighting on my behalf--and yet, feel constrained, even now that Don't Ask, Don't Tell is gone, because--they're not able to--commit themselves in a marriage ... At a certain point, I've just concluded that--for me personally, it is important for me to go ahead and affirm that--I think same-sex couples should be able to get married. (1) President Barack Obama I INTRODUCTION On June 24, 2011 New York became the most recent, and largest, state in the United States to legalize same-sex marriage. (2) More recently, and perhaps importantly, President Obama announced his support for same-sex marriage, after a very public "evolution" on the subject. (3) Even more recently, the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit held that the Defense of Marriage Act violated the Constitution. (4) Along with the recent decision by the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit denying a rehearing of its decision invalidating California's constitutional amendment outlawing same-sex marriage, a seismic shift has occurred in the gay marriage movement. (5) In some quarters, the successful push to legalize same-sex marriage is seen as the culmination of the movement for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) equality. (6) The success of the campaign to legalize same-sex marriage might be understood as the ratification of the LGBT equality movement's goal of making the lives of LGBT individuals less foreign to those within the larger political community. (7) The translation of LGBT lives to the larger public has been one of the most significant strategies of the mainstream LGBT equality movement. Advocates for LGBT equality have argued that eradicating prejudice against LGBT persons rests on the LGBT community's ability to undermine stereotypes of LGBT persons held by the straight community. (8) Narrative has been a central mechanism by which advocates of LGBT equality have sought to undermine stereotypes about LGBT people because of its capacity to draw others into participation in, and identification with, the LGBT community. (9) The turn to narrative is not unique to the movement for LGBT equality. In the areas of gender and race, proponents of progressive social reform have turned toward narrative as a way of providing a framework through which the experiences of "outsiders" might be understood by "insiders." (10) Advocates who have sought to highlight issues of racial and gender inequity have enlisted narratives through which the experiences of racial and gender hierarchies might be understood. (11) The commitment to narrative also represents an intellectual challenge to the capacity of abstract principles such as anti-discrimination, equality, or accommodation to embody the specificity of the experience of individuals who live without the presumptions that attend life as a male, as a white person, or as an able-bodied person. (12) Narrative challenges the capacity of legal or doctrinal categories to dislodge dominant, prejudicial perspectives and presumptions. (13) The recourse to narrative serves the twin goals of demonstrating the "outsider" status of certain identity categories and experiences, (14) and deploying the "outsider" perspective to undermine the dominant position of the "insider" perspective as it relates to the distribution of societal goods--including nonmaterial goods. (15) Within the academic community, the use of narrative had special significance in the work of a subgroup of progressive legal scholars, who had grown disillusioned by the limits of even transformative legal and social change. These scholars, whose work ranges across gender, (16) race, (17) and sexuality, (18) deploy narratives to call into question the success of commitments to formal equality in the contexts of race and gender.

In Search of Gender Bias in Household Resource Allocation in Rural China

This paper tests three hypotheses concerning intra-household resource allocation in rural China. First, whether increasing the women's bargaining power alters household expenditure patterns. Second, whether households allocate fewer resources to daughters than to sons. Third, whether increasing the bargaining power of women reduces pro-boy discrimination. We find that expenditure patterns do vary with proxies for women's bargaining power. Pro-boy discrimination is suggested by: lower female outlay equivalent ratios for adult goods; greater sensitivity of household health spending to young boys than to young girls; and high male sex ratios. No evidence is found to support the third hypothesis.intrahousehold allocation, women, bargaining power, China

In Search of Gender Bias in Household Resource Allocation in Rural China

This paper tests three hypotheses concerning intra-household resource allocation in rural China. First, whether increasing the women's bargaining power alters household expenditure patterns. Second, whether households allocate fewer resources to daughters than to sons. Third, whether increasing the bargaining power of women reduces pro-boy discrimination. We find that expenditure patterns do vary with proxies for women's bargaining power. Pro-boy discrimination is suggested by: lower female outlay equivalent ratios for adult goods; greater sensitivity of household health spending to young boys than to young girls; and high male sex ratios. No evidence is found to support the third hypothesis.intrahousehold allocation, women, bargaining power, China

Program brief: "Using what you have to get what you want: HIV vulnerability and prevention needs of female post‐secondary students engaged in transactional sex in Kumasi, Ghana

This study was implemented by Boston University in collaboration with the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology with support from the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) through the U.S. Agency for International Development under Project SEARCH Task Order No. GHH‐I‐00‐07‐00023‐00, beginning August 27, 2010. The content and views expressed here are the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect the opinion or policy of USAID or the U.S. Government.HIV prevalence among young Ghanaian men and women aged 15–24 years old is estimated at 1.7%.1 HIV prevalence in the specific population of female post-secondary students is unknown. The Ghana AIDS Commission (GAC) recognizes the need for further research in communities participating in less well-defined risky sex practices. This study was conducted by Boston University’s Center for Global Health and Development and the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology with funding from the United States Agency for International Development/Ghana. The objective was to provide academic institutions, the GAC, the National AIDS Control Program, donors, and other stakeholders with data to inform research and programmatic efforts in Kumasi, specifically, as well as academic institutions, in general. Study participants were recruited from five post-secondary institutions in the greater Kumasi area. Data were collected on students’ perceptions of transactional sex (TS) on campus, individual and structural HIV vulnerabilities, and prevention needs through in-depth interviews with seven female post-secondary students involved in TS and focus groups with twenty-nine female and male students. Key informant interviews were also conducted with faculty, residence hall matrons, and hotel staff. Non-commercial transactional sex is defined here as engaging in sex for the purposeof obtaining material goods, financial support, or grades.Support from the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) through the U.S. Agency for International Development under Project SEARCH Task Order No. GHH‐I‐00‐07‐00023‐00, beginning August 27, 201

Low levels of chemsex among men who have sex with men, but high levels of risk among men who engage in chemsex: analysis of a cross-sectional online survey across four countries

Background: This paper establishes the prevalence of chemsex drug use among men who have sex with men (MSM), the extent to which these drugs are used in a sexual context, as well as their associated behaviours and circumstances of use. Methods: Data from a cross-sectional, online survey of 2328 MSM recruited via gay sociosexual media in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland were analysed. Results: While almost half (48.8%) of participants had ever taken illicit drugs, lifetime chemsex drug use was less common (18.0%) and far fewer reported chemsex drug use in the last year (8.2%) or last 4 weeks (3.0%). Just over one-quarter (27.1%) of men who used chemsex drugs in the last year reported no sexualised drug use, but almost three-quarters (72.9%) did. Only 6.1% of the whole sample reported sexualised chemsex drug use in the last year. The odds of reporting chemsex in the last year were significantly higher for men aged 36–45 years (AOR = 1.96), single men (AOR = 1.83), men who were HIV positive (AOR = 4.01), men who report high-risk sex (AOR = 4.46), being fisted (AOR = 7.77) or had sex in exchange for goods other than money (AOR = 4.7) in the last year and men who reported an HIV test in the last 3 months (AOR = 1.53). Discussion: Only a small proportion of MSM in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland reported chemsex, and, for the first time, it is demonstrated that not all chemsex drug use was sexualised. Nevertheless, MSM who engage in chemsex (MWEC) reported substantial sexual risk inequalities. These novel findings highlight several opportunities for intervention, particularly around the multiple vulnerabilities of MWEC, opportunities for early identification of those most vulnerable to chemsex-related harm and the potential to develop a specialised responsive patient pathway

Can’t Buy Me Love

Critics of commodification often claim that the buying and selling of some good communicates disrespect or some other inappropriate attitude. Such semiotic critiques have been leveled against markets in sex, pornography, kidneys, surrogacy, blood, and many other things. Brennan and Jaworski (2015a) have recently argued that all such objections fail. They claim that the meaning of a market transaction is a highly contingent, socially constructed fact. If allowing a market for one of these goods can improve the supply, access or quality of the good, then instead of banning the market on semiotic grounds, they urge that we should revise our semiotics. In this reply, I isolate a part of the meaning of a market transaction that is not socially constructed: our market exchanges always express preferences. I then show how cogent semiotic critiques of some markets can be constructed on the basis of this fact

Implications of Mobility Patterns and HIV Risks for HIV Prevention Among Migrant Market Vendors in Kazakhstan

Objectives. We examined the relationships between mobility characteristics and sexual risk behaviors among male and female migrant market vendors in Almaty, Kazakhstan. Methods. Participants completed a structured interview covering sociodemographics, mobility characteristics, sexual behaviors, and biomarkers for HIV, HCV, and syphilis. We used multivariate analyses to examine associations between mobility patterns and HIV risks after adjusting for sociodemographics. Results. Longer duration of a participant's last trip outside Almaty increased the odds of reporting multiple sexual partners. More frequent travel to visit family or friends was associated with multiple sexual partners and unprotected sex with steady partners. More frequent travel to buy goods in the past year was associated with multiple sexual partners. Men who traveled more often to buy goods were more likely to have purchased sex within the previous 90 days. Conclusions. Relationships between mobility patterns and sexual risk behaviors underscore the need for HIV-prevention strategies targeting the specific transmission dynamics that migrant vendors are likely to present